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| People's Republic of Kaitjan - Blood of the Tiger | |
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| Tweet Topic Started: May 21 2014, 09:09 PM (2,410 Views) | |
| Kaitjan | May 21 2014, 09:09 PM Post #1 |
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The People's Republic of Kaitjan![]() "War is an ever constant reality of this world. No one knows it better than we do. Since times immemorial this land has been home to war, strife and suffering. The pyres of war have burned stronger than the sun for centuries and millennia, fuelled by millions of lives. Men, women and children, heroes and villains, soldiers and civilians. No one has gone untouched by the flames of war. It is both our greatest tragedy and our greatest honour. The division of the Apisteftian people is an unjust reality of history, one that has prevented us from reaching true greatness. But the pyre of war - with all the suffering and death that has come with it - has made it possible to purify us. It took centuries for it to happen. Despots of old had to be overthrown in revolutions and much blood had to be spilled to finally destroy the enemies of the Apisteftian people. You - people of Agredei and Kesh, Abramoz and Korichan - we hold nothing against you. Nobody speaks out against your bravery, your strength and your worth. It has always been there, but your minds have been clouded. History has been cruel to you and given you leaders that fought against what was right, oppressed you and tried to lead you astray. But that is over now. The age of strife has come to an end. You have been liberated of your despots, and through that of your sins. Nothing is held against you or any child of Apisteftia. We have all been purified by the pyre of war, but now it is time to extinguish it. It has burnt for too long. We all step out of the ashes reborn and new. Together we will unite beneath the banner of the Tiger, purified of our past grievances and hatred. For the first time in thousands of years Apisteftia is united, and never again are we going to be divided. We are all the people of Kaitjan. From this day we are one, and together we are to create a grand future. We are One People, under the banners of One Party, forever united by one Purpose! Forward, brothers and sisters, together into the future!" - State General Arzay Nikromov at the signing of the Glorious Agreement. On the northern shores of the Old World lies a region named Apisteftia - “The Blazed Lands.” It is a hot and tropical corner of the world, one blessed with many gifts of nature. The region is cut through by mighty rivers and deep lakes, and the land consists of everything from vast open riverland plains to swamps and unconquered jungles. Apisteftia is home to a great diversity of plant and wildlife, and the ground itself hides a veritable treasury of natural resources - various ores, natural gas, coal and oil. But Apisteftia is also a region shrouded in centuries of violence. Since ancient times it has been a literal pyre, almost constantly ablaze by the fires of war, and the short periods of peace have never been more than hot embers, waiting to burst into a fire even greater than the previous. It is in these fires that Kaitjan was born. The People’s Republic of Kaitjan has dominated Apisteftia since the early 2990s, after it had crushed and subjugated its neighbours and rivals through a series of destructive wars that took place in the second half of the 30th century. Kaitjan is a militaristic, totalitarian communist dictatorship, often described as one of the harshest regimes in Kosmopol. Devoid of political freedoms, open elections and freedom of speech, the nation has been ruled by the Official Communist Party of Kaitjan - the OCPK - since 2930. It is more or less synonymous with the government and the massive bureaucratic machine that is the state, and it administers nearly all aspects of the People’s Republic. Supported by over-inflated security apparatus and a massive military, the OCPK is in complete control of the nation. The economy is run by the state, industrial oriented and designed to work according to the self-reliance policies set by the government. Mainly isolationist in nature, the People’s Republic has always been unhappy with the prospect of being reliant on exports or imports and maintains few to none economical ties with the outside world. Kaitjanese foreign policy have varied between open gun-toting, open threats and aggressive military action to cold nonchalance and complete introversion. One thing that has never changed are the border policies - immigration is more or less impossible and the the borders remain on iron lockdown most of the time. “Nobody gets in and nobody gets out” is the unofficial motto of the Ministry of Migration, the border guard and related organizations. As a political entity the People’s Republic a relatively young, especially in its current form. Its predecessor was the Kingdom of Kaitjan, a semi-feudal state headed by an autocratic monarch, and whose dynasty had once come to power in the 25th century, after 500 years of near constant war between chieftains and warlords. The Kingdom of Kaitjan lasted for roughly another 500 years, but its feudal masters could not cling on to power forever. Slow to modernize and leave its strict feudal traditions behind, the nation went through a long period of war, starvation and internal unrest before finally starting to fall apart in the early years of the 30th century. The monarch was deposed and killed in a bloody revolution, which in turn was followed by an even bloodier nine year civil war. In the end only one faction was standing in the ruins of the country - the communist OCPK and its army. The newly born People’s Republic went through a painful but in the end successful period of modernization, forced collectivization of agriculture and industrialization. At a cost of much human suffering Kaitjan became a regional superpower with a powerful army and a functional welfare state. And then came war - horrible destructive war at a scale that Apisteftia had never seen. The second half of the 30th century became an era of nearly continuous warfare, with all five nations of Apisteftia becoming both willing and unwilling participants. The very existence of Kaitjan as a nation came up to question, but eventually the People’s Republic prevailed. In 2993 the Glorious Agreement was signed, which officially made the subjugated nations into a part of the new, greater People’s Republic. The states of Abramoz, Korichan, Agredei and Kesh ceased to exist as independent states and became districts of Kaitjan. Today Kaitjan is a regional superpower. The People’s Republic rules over the entirety of the Apisteftian region, which makes it one of the largest states in Kosmopol. Military spendings are as high as ever and the OCPK is still in power. Dissidents and traitors are systematically hunted by the secret policy and security services, and the planned economy annually adopts new industrial and agricultural plans. Kaitjan remains a closed and very paranoid nation, with no real friends or partners in the outside world. But times are changing, and the People’s Republic stands before new problems. Despite the best efforts there is the risk that the populace will start clamour for things like “freedom”, “elections” and “democracy.” Not all of the subjugated nationalities are happy with the new state of affairs, and inter-ethnic conflicts and nationalist movements might spiral out of control if left unchecked and maybe even challenge the authority of the OCPK. And then there are the ambitions of Kaitjan itself: the war for Apisteftia might be won, but there is an entire world outside, filled with possibilities and possible conquests. But it also hosts other nations, many of them powerful and dangerous in their own right. Should Kaitjan try to increase its influence with force of arms and money or should it remain in willing isolation? A new age has come - Kaitjan Survachyt - Kaitjan supreme. There are risks to be taken and gains to be made. Kaitjan will prevail - she always has. Who knows, maybe the banner of the roaring tiger will fly over other places as well? For OC Reference Spoiler: click to toggle
Edited by Kaitjan, Dec 13 2015, 03:39 PM.
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| Kaitjan | May 23 2014, 06:05 PM Post #2 |
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National Information “One People, One Party, One Purpose” Official name Formal: People’s Republic of Kaitjan Informal: Kaitjan Demonym: Kaitjanese Established: 15th of the 5th month 2930 SH Anthem: Anai Kaitjan - Kaitjan Eternal adopted in 2942, replacing the previous anthem "Fires of the Revolution". Capital City: Great city of Mozgúl National Symbol(s): The Kaitjanese Tiger, the Red Star, the People’s Fist. Head of Nation: State General Arzay Nikromov Ruling body: The National Assembly Territorial Information Total territory:???? Land area: 13,790,907 km2 Water area: ????? Total: ???? Territorial waters: ???? Population Population: 289,630,000 Percentage of population according to: Age: 0-15 (30%) 15-40 (50%) 40-65 (13%) 65+(7%) Sex: Male (45%) Female (55%) There is a reason for the large discrepancy for between the female and male population besides natural differences.. The 30th century saw a number of very destructive events - war, disease and starvation. While both men and women were affected, the male demographic suffered the most. Costly battles, diseases in the field coupled with the universal conscription of men took their toll. A recurring practice was to massacre menfolk of ones enemy, to deny them the ability to recruit. There is a reason for the large difference in female and male population. During the 30th century a number of very destructive events took place - war, disease and starvation. While both men and women were affected, the male demographics suffered the most. Cruel and pointless perhaps, but a fact. Ethnicity: Elaborated upon in the Demographics section. In short; according to the by the government approved history, there is only one people in Kaitjan - the Kaitjanese. This is closely entwined with the "Greater Nation" concept, which claims that thousands of years ago Apisteftia was one united state with one people. Today the situation is, however, different. There are five major ethnic and cultural groups - Kaitjanese, Abramozi, Agredei, Keshi and Korichani. The Kaitjanese are the dominant and most numerous group, and are popularly known as "purebloods" or "tigerbloods". For the last 20 years of the OCPK has conducted several costly assimilation projects, attempting at making the other groups "more" Kaitjanese. The Kaitjanese language is the only official language, and is taught it schools and used in politics and public affairs. To further assimilate the all others the government actively promotes Kaitjanese culture and traditions, as well as Kaitjanese holidays and education. This has not always been popular among those targeted. Kaitjanese 27% Agredei 25% Keshi 23% Abramozi 25% Korichani 10% Language(s): Kaitjanese is the only official language. Since 2993 it has been used on road signs, in school, in politics and in all official dealings. The Kaitjanese language shares mostly the same roots with the four other languages. Religion: Religions are outlawed by the state, although some beliefs and rituals continue to defy national laws. The traditional Apisteftian religion is Mzairism, which is covered in the Religion section of the factbook. Another religion that has had presence in the region is Heliandism, namely Silver Heliandism. A small percentage adher or have adhered to various shamanist and animist beliefes. Class: Officially, Kaitjan is a classless society, but it can still be divided into different classes. Poor 12% Middle class 78% Rich 10% The "poor" are citizens that are considered "non-productive" and "non-fitting" by the state. Many lose several of the privileges the state provides(this is covered in the Economy and Social Services post) and conducts some of the heaviest and most dangerous labour. The middle class is the majority of the peasants and workers in Kaitjan, as well as everybody else. The "rich" are members of the OCPK party elite, high ranking military officers and major contributors to the nations glory - scientists, doctors and engineers. Economical Information Size of labor force: Total: 182,466,900 Without men conscripted into the army: 180,216,900 National Currency: Tigron Economic Model: State-controlled planned economy Nominal GDP: ????? Nominal GDP per capita: ????? Major exports: Steel, metal alloys, weapons, military equipment, military and civilian vehicles, uranium. Major imports: Oil, precious metals, natural gas, corn, rice Military Information Standing Army strength: 2,250,000 Reservist Force: 9,250,000 Paramilitary forces: 1,495,000 This number includes security forces, interior troops and militias armed in times of war. When Kaitjan engages in total war, all men aged 18-55 are eligable for unconditional draft. Females are exempt from the conscription, but can join as volounteers to both fight and provide support. WMD arsenal: ICly it is unknown if Kaitjan has nuclear weapons. In "reality" they do not have access to them, but a nuclear program exists and receives funding from the government. Kaitjan does, however, have a sizable arsenal of chemical and biological weapons. More than 26,000 tonnes of chemical agents exist, notably Sarin, Mustard Gas and Soman. Edited by Kaitjan, Jul 15 2015, 05:13 PM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 6 2014, 09:14 PM Post #3 |
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Demographics Total Population: 289,630,000 Sex: 45% male, 55% female. Percentage of Main Ethnic Groups Kaitjanese - 27% 78,200,100 members Agredei - 25% 72,407,500 members Keshi - 23% 66,614,900 members Abramozi - 15% 43,444,500 members Korichani - 10% 28,963,000 members Kaitjanese Spoiler: click to toggle Agredei Spoiler: click to toggle Keshi Spoiler: click to toggle Abramozi Spoiler: click to toggle Korichani Spoiler: click to toggle Age of Population Age: 0-15 (30%) 15-40 (50%) 40-65 (13%) 65+(7%) Languages Official: Kaiváper (Kaitjanese) The primary language, used in official dealings, on road signs and taught in schools. Was widely spoken even before the Glorious Agreement of 2993, with sizable numbers of speakers living in Korichan, northern Abramoz and the borderlands between Kaitjan and Kesh. Unrecognized: Arem (Agredei) Koh (Keshi) Aiti (Korichan) Abram-Púlmer (Abramoz) Oriavan (found in Abramozi District, influence from Oriavas) Hesperian (found in Abramozi District, influence from Hesperia) Religion While religion is outlawed and persecuted, the traditional Mazarism faith enjoys a certain level of tolerance from the OCPK, and some rituals and traditions still survive. One example is that several old Mzarist holidays are still celebrated, although with less emphasis on religion than before. Other religions - those that are treated as foreign in nature - do not enjoy this acceptance, and followers are harshly punished if caught. The following list gives an estimation of the number of citizens that "adhere" (or rather just have the religion as a cultural background) to one religion or another. Mzarism 87% 251,978,100 citizens (Found throughout Apisteftia ) Silver Heliandism 6% (Found in the Abramozi District) 17,377,800 citizens Orthodox Heliandism 5% (Found in the Abramozi district) 14,481,500 citizens Other 2% 5,792,600 citizens Basic information In 2993 Kaitjan became a country inhabited by five main ethnic groups. The real ethnic Kaitjanese (often called "purebloods" or "tigerbloods") came out on top as the conquering victors, the others as the subjugated losers. Of course, not everyone was happy with this outcome of the decades of war, but not all were outraged either. The Keshi and Agredei found themselves on the losing side. They had been long time rivals and enemies of Kaitjan, and the Agredei and Kaitjanese had always seen each other as each others primary nemesis in the world. In 2991 both the Democratic Republic of Agredei and Kirzhom Kesh were exhausted after years of war and were no longer able to resist the onslaught of the Kaitjanese coalition. In the famous Railroad Treaty of 2991 they were forced to sign terms of unconditional surrender. Their armed forced were disbanded, and while remnants and rebels continued to resist, they were put under administration of Kaitjanese occupational forces. The People's Republic of Korichan fared better. Korichan had been ruled by a weak and dysfunctional semi-communist government which managed to cling on to power thanks to Kaitjanese support in funds and weapons. In 2991 the government finally collapsed after a series of violent riots and complete anarchy came uncomfortable close to becoming reality. To stop this the Kaitjanese launched an operation to restore order - they occupied the entire country. The populace did not protest all too much, believing that even life beneath the Kaitjanese would be an improvement. The Republic of Abramoz had been a fairly democratic state, but neither did they escape the wars and instability of the early 2990s. A sizeable ethnic Kaitjanese population started demanding more rights and wanted to join Kaitjan, which the government did not find very appealing. Under suspicious circumstances a coup d'etat was staged and the new self-proclaimed rulers declared their allegiance to Mozgúl. Kaitjanese tanks and troops rolled in over the border and occupied the country in a matter of days. This happened in 2992. In 2993 the Glorious Agreement was signed, incorporating Korichan, Abramoz, Agredei and Kesh into the People's Republic of Kaitjan. It was a historical event in Apisteftian history. The OCPK government in Mozgúl has gone to great extent to suppress dissent and conflict, as well as to assimilate the subjugated nationalities into a Kaitjanese identity. Their native languages are no longer taught in school and has been removed from signs, documents, most newspaper and are no longer used in official dealings. Propaganda fills books and television screens, there to reinforce the rule of the OCPK. Twenty years has passed since the signing of the Glorious Agreement, and much has been done. Most of the insurgency has been stomped out, but century-old hatred and rivalry is hard to kill. Secret police and security services are busy keeping both the subjugated nationalities and the Kaitjanese under strict monitoring, making sure that conflict and dissent is cracked down upon with brutal force. The former states are now a part of the People's Republic and now share economy, military and government. It remains to see if the Status Quo and stability will prevail, but as of 3014 there had been no significant cases of uprisings or unrest. To better control the non-Kaitjanese ethnicities the central government makes extensive use of individual of said ethnicities, using them in various positions in local government and industries. As long as total loyalty to the party and compliance to Kaitjanese authority shown, there is little that stops non-Kaitjanese from advancing in society, at least to a certain degree. Top-positions of power are unofficially reserved for those of Kaitjanese blood, and the same can be said for security and military hierarchies. Conscripted soldiers are sent to serve far away from their home territories to lessen the risk that they will disobey orders in favour of "their own". Military units are either purposefully mixed so that the more loyal Kaitjanese servicemen can act as a counterweight to possibly disloyal soldiers, or they are kept as pureblooded Kaitjanese units. In a similar vein most heavy and almost all military industries have been relocated to heartland Kaitjan to keep out of potential harms way. Inter-ethnic Relations Truth be said - there is a lot that the Apisteftian people's have in common. They all developed as nations along the great rivers as hydraulic tribes, later turning into warrior societies. They share many cultural aspects as well as faith - Mzairism. Throughout history they groups have had a lot of contact and trade. Not to mention that they are fairly similar to each other in apperance as well. The Apisteftians do, after all, share common ethnic and cultural origins, especially if you believe in the idea of the "Greater Nation." History is, however, filled with examples of violence, hatred and war between them. The Juchoan Wars of the 30th century were infamous for the enormous slaughter and atrocities committed by the warring sides, and the memory of those time has a hard time dying. Rivalry between the different peoples has always been very strong, but the main divide has been between the nations of the east - Agredei and Kesh - and the nations of the west - Kaitjan, Korichan and to some extent Abramoz, although the altter preferred to stay out of conflict if they could. The most intense rivalry and the greatest conflicts have always been between Kaitjan and Agredei, who saw each other as natural enemies and rivals. Kesh was another long time enemy to the Katijanese, as both bordered the fertile Imreal river lands and strived for centuries for dominance over them. Control of the Juchoan Ponds in the mountains in the south was another important source of conflict, and even became the cause for the three Juchoan Wars. Security forces conduct crackdowns on separatist movements, and the OCPK is investing heavily into suppressing inter-ethnic conflicts. The situation still remains tense, although it is slightly better than it was in 2993 and prior. It remains to see if this trend continues. Edited by Kaitjan, Mar 2 2016, 09:17 PM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 7 2014, 02:29 PM Post #4 |
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Interior and Politics The OCPK Background In the early 30th century a Kaitjanese economist and philosopher named Pachtún Leu formulated a set of economic and societal principles which would come to shape the future of Kaitjan and Apisteftia. Leu had studied at the Grotlehranstalt university in the city of Osnáat, and there he had come in contact with the syndicalist and socialist ideologies that were popular at the time among the Prut of the Pelagic. An inspired Leu wrote a book about his thoughts and named it Búchtodan - “People’s State”. Although he himself did never consider himself an ideologue, his work came to form the basis of what would become known as the Búchtodan ideology. In his book Leu argued for democratic reforms; a gradual abolishment of ancient feudal privileges in Kaitjan, removal of nepotism in favour of a meritocratic system, and the strengthening of the commoner social castes - the peasants and workers - and elimination of serfdom. Land - which was at the time owned by feudal lords or the royal crown - was to be passed out to the people that actually worked on it. His radical ideas earned Leu a lot of enemies in the government, several assassination attempts and a lengthy prison sentence, but what he had started proved impossible to stomp out. Kaitjan was experiencing violent unrest, and many radical ideologies - including Búchtodan - became incredibly popular among the lower castes. When the Kaitjanese civil war broke out in 2921 many powerful rebel factions arose around the ideals of Leu’s work, or whatever interpretation of them they preferred. The Communist Party of Kaitjan - the predecessor of the modern OCPK - was one of these rebel groups. In the beginning it was one of many similar groups, and they had Búchtodan as their official ideology. As the war raged out they rose in power and influence and either absorbed or destroyed other socialist factions. Soon they became the vanguard of all communist and socialist forces. The OCPK emerged victorious from the war and seized control over Kaitjan, but was at the same time split from within on ideological grounds. The political factions had differing views on how to create a “People’s State”. The conflict resulted in a period of bloody purges which resulted in a victory for the hardliners within the party. Although Búchtodan was still the official ideology, the views of the new OCPK differed from that of Leu. In their eyes the way to establish the perfect communist society was through a strong and all-encompassing state instead of decentralization and regional self-governance. Secondly they rejected the notion of democracy as they excluded other political (even communist and socialist) ideals from the government. Thirdly the OCPK rejected the land and production reforms propositioned by Leu, and instead of handing it out to farmers and workers they brought it under strict state control. The reasoning behind this was that the Kaitjanese people would be able to be in complete control of their country, but would be so through the state and the OCPK party. After the establishment of the People’s Republic of Kaitjan the new communist government quickly grew increasingly totalitarian, militarist and repressive - qualities that it retains to this day. The Three Political Eras The History of OCPK politics - and modern Kaitjanese history - can be divided into three different ears. They are known as the Three Eras or The Three Waves. First Era 2931-2951 To understand the first era it is required to go back to the chaotic times of the civil war and the years immediately after its conclusion. The CPK at the time was far from a unitary political party. It had been the vanguard of leftist forces during the civil war and had gathered many lesser movements under its banners. The leadership of the young CPK/OCPK included all kinds of people: university scholars, socialists, communist, syndicalists, upstart peasants workers, warlords and men and women that just climbed aboard for the ride. It had held together during the war by the will to survive, but the tears and differences started showing as soon as power had been secured. The main question was - how was Kaitjan to be ruled? The more liberal-minded people suggested that the newly born People’s Republic should reform to become a modern democracy. Most of the royal family was dead or exiled, the feudal lords more or less powerless. It was the perfect time to give the people direct political power and step into the modern world. More conservative people - primarily the militarily powerful warlords - wanted to return to the freerule of the past, with more or less independent communes that would govern themselves without too much meddling on the behalf of the state. And the hardliners - they were eager to create a industrial and military powerhouse with a all-encompassing state which would rule in the name of the people. This was, according to them, the “People’s State.” Barely a year after the end of the war the first State General Kýr Wanúr died under mysterious circumstances, and his death nearly sparked a new civil war. A charismatic man and a national legend, he had been instrumental in keeping the factions within the party at peace with each other. After a brief but bloody power struggle the party hardliners came out on top and created the People’s Republic of Kaitjan in the shape and form that we know it today. Rejecting democracy, freedom of speech and ideologies other than their own, they instated a brutal and totalitarian dictatorship. From 2931 to 2955 the OCPK government made radical changes to Kaitjan. Industry, agriculture, infrastructure and all enterprises and organizations were nationalized and brought under state control. An expansive state apparatus was built, and with it a vast bureaucratic machine to govern the nation. To defend Kaitjan from foreign enemies - and enemies Kaitjan had many - a powerful military was created out of the civil war PRAK rebel armies. The PRAK’s new namesake was considerably larger, better trained and equipped and soon established itself as a force to be reckoned in Apisteftia. To guard against internal enemies an expansive security apparatus was created, and headed by the Internal Security Agency - the ISA - it would keep any sign of dissent down with brutal methods. But despite all the flaws and brutality of the new government, Kaitjan still changed for the better in many ways. Free and better healthcare, education and housing became available to all citizens for the first time in Kaitjanese history. With the living standard quickly rising and the economy rapidly developing many people were given that which they had fought in the civil war for - a better, more tolerable life. It was by no means easy, and the government expected complete obedience in return, but Kaitjan was no stranger to totalitarian regimes. Second Era - “The Warring Era” 2951-2993 The first era of growth and economic development lasted for about twenty years, a period during which Kaitjan very quickly modernized and industrialized. The nation managed to catch up with its Apisteftian neighbours and even surpassed some of them. However, by the early 2950s this ‘honeymoon’ of sort was over, and the economy began to slowly stagnate. What made matters worse was that old rivalries and territorial disputes with the states of Kesh and Agredei had once again become relevant after several decades. By the year 2951 the OCPK was divided into two factions of sorts. One argued for more isolationist, interior-oriented policies and avoidance of open conflict. The other was warlike, eager to regain a number of territories lost to the eastern neighbours during the civil war and to assert Kaitjanese dominance of Apisteftia. The war hawks were headed by the National Assembly’s General Secretary - Múran Heiza. He was a man that had risen to power from humble beginnings and had been continuously working for the expansion and strengthening of the army. His extravagant military spendings have been cited as one of the reason for the slowdown of the Kaitjanese economy. Heiza came in conflict with the State General Alizan Kreyma who was not as eager to go to war, and their rivalry came to dominate the 2950s. After a failed invasion attempt of Kesh and Agredei things became critical. Heiza accused Kreyma and the isolationist of being traitors and having failed the goals of the People’s Republic. Supported by a good chunk of the military he staged a coup and seized power. To ensure his new position he unleashed a great political purge over Kaitjan, targeting real and perceived political enemies, traitors and people within the party and government that had resisted the war plans. Thousands of citizens were deported, imprisoned or killed from 2957 to 2962. With a loyal but weakened party behind him, Heiza continued with his policies of increasing the strength and size of the PRAK. In 2966 the First Juchoan War erupted after a complete diplomatic breakdown between Kaitjan and the eastern alliance of Kesh and Agredei. The war lasted until 2970, and although the PRAK initially made great progress, it proved unable to achieve a final breakthrough. Massive losses in material and men and the strain on the Kaitjanese economy finally proved too much to handle for Kaitjan, and the nation was forced to make peace on highly unfavourable terms. Heiza, once the supreme autocratic ruler of the People’s Republic, was deposed by his own generals. Blamed for the humiliating defeat by most of the establishment he was imprisoned and later executed, although the exact circumstances remain unclear. Yet his death did not result in Kaitjan changing its political course into more diplomatic and peaceful waters. On the contrary, the nation continued to militarize. For the first time the civil government became subordinate to the military, and the new head of state became marshal Jurim Jurimizt. Fueled by fervent revanchism and patriotism, the nation once more prepared for a confrontation with the east. The Second Juchoan War began in 2977 and lasted until 2981, and this time the PRAK performed better. It was still an exceptionally bloody conflict, but with the help of new equipment and improved tactics Kaitjan came out victorious. The restoration of lost territories and the capture of new ones - and not to mention the gained prestige - made Jurimizt exceptionally popular and the support for his regime rose several times over. However, the east was not content with its losses. Kesh and Agredei declared war in 2987 and the Third Juchoan War began. The conflict was in many ways the smallest of the three, but it was by no means short or easy. After three years of fighting the PRAK came out victorious once more, and this time Kaitjanese forces invaded their enemies’ heartlands and occupied them. Jurim Jurimizt stepped down from leadership at the end of the fighting in 2990 in favour of a young and dynamic war hero - a certain Colonel Arzay Nikromov. The early 2990s are best described as a period of confusion and chaos. The occupied eastern states were unstable at best and forced the PRAK to fight against guerillas and remnant army detachments unwilling to surrender. The People’s Republic of Korichan - a long time ally of Kaitjan - collapsed upon itself, and to avoid a civil war in its rear the Kaitjanese high command invaded and put it under ‘temporary peacekeeping administration’. The state of Abramoz was experiencing internal strife as well, and when it became clear that a anti-Kaitjanese government could come to power the Kaitjanese did what they did best during the period - they invaded. Out of this chaos Arzay Nikromov forged the greater People’s Republic - in 2993 the Glorious Agreement was signed and the occupied nations of Agredei, Kesh, Korichan and Abramoz were officially annexed and incorporated into Kaitjan. Third Era - 2993-Today The 2990s were a decade of radical changes and uncertainty. OCPK authority was now extended over the whole of Apisteftia, and far from everyone were happy to accept the new communist system. Rebels and guerrillas plagued the eastern territories of this new Kaitjan, but by the early 3000s most of them had been destroyed or forced into hiding. Arzay Nikromov was able to stabilize the People’s Republic, and although dissent would remain a problem for many years to come, that matter was something that internal security could handle with relative ease. Peace began. Nikromov disbanded the military government and adopted the old, pre-junta system. The civil state remained closely entwined with the military, but now to a lesser extent. The State General - Nikromov himself - was now the supreme leader of the nation. Military spendings were adjusted for peace time (but remained impressive) and focus was increasingly turned to civil and economic matters. The OCPK itself has changed as well. Many old-school party members either died from age or went into retirement in the 90s, and this left a vacuum to be filled by new and fresher politicians and officers. Many of them had risen through the ranks during the Third Juchoan War, sometimes as close associates to Nikromov. This has once again led to two distinct factions within the party, usually labeled as the ‘traditionalists’ and the ‘progressivists’. The former consist of old party members and much of the military top brass, who prefer to keep to the old party policies, such as putting the army and the military industries at the forefront and following a strict isolationist iron-border policy when it comes to international relations. Their priorities are mostly directed at internal politics, and continuing to keep the nation in an iron grip. The progressivists are mostly younger, and have argued for increased contact, trade and friendlier diplomatic relations with the outside world. And in between these two factions sists Arzay Nikromov himself. He is still relatively young, a national hero even due to his exploits during the war. He is best described a strongman with significant personal influence, as is widely respected by both the traditionalists and progressivists, as well as much of the population. Nikromov has proved skilled in balancing state priorities; the PRAK has in no way felt ignored and is in the process of modernisation and rearming, and the civil sectors enjoy considerable growth. Diplomatic relations have recently been established with several foreign nations, and trade has reached an all time high since. This is a risky path to be sure, and partially clashes with the self-reliant policies that have been enacted since the 2940s. Another egregious issue is that increased contact with the outside world can lead to dissenting ideologies, ideas and opinions to leak into the country and gain traction among citizens. As a result exports and imports still amount for very little of the Kaitjanese economy, and the border remains on iron lockdown most of the time. In addition state propaganda does its best to drown out all possible foreign influence. Nikromov is aligned with neither of these two unofficial OCPK factions, and sits somewhere in between. A primary priority for the entire party, however, is to keep the nation pacified and avert outbreaks of clashes between the various ethnic groups. This has succeeded for now, but to keep people occupied the government must either continue to improve (albeit slowly) their living standard or use brutal crackdowns and close surveillance of their activities. The OCPK has opted for both. But as slow as the years in Kaitjan go by, time still moves on. The warlike old guard of the 50s and 60s is slowly dying off or going into retirement. In some ways Arzay Nikromov, although hailed as the most progressive of Kaitjanese leaders yet, is one of its last sons. When his rule is over Kaitjan will have to choose a path: should it continue with its very militaristic, xenophobic and mostly isolationist attitude, or start to increasingly open up to the outside world? The National Assembly and the OCPK. The national assembly is the main legislative and commanding body of Kaitjan. Before 2993 and the creation of the greater People's Republic it had only 120 seats in it, filled by two representatives from each of the 60 communes. It grew in size after the Glorious Agreement (due to the inclusion of new territories into the People's Republic) and today has 318 representative seats in it. Each commune in Kaitjan - and today there are 159 - is represented by two representatives in the National Assembly. Some people have trouble distinguishing the National Assembly from the overall OCPK structures, and it is hard to fault them for it - there is indeed little difference. At its core the OCPK party is the overall political structure in Kaitjan. The National Assembly is only the government of the state and nation. The OCPK is the only political party, and it is a requirement to be a full member to have enter politics. It is no surprise that all decisions made by the National Assembly are directly results by the internal politics and consensus in the party. Pre 2993 - 60 communes and 120 seats Post 2993 - 318 seats Abramoz District - 17 communes and 34 seats Korichani District - 15 communes and 30 seats Juramáat - 12 communes and 24 seats Mozgúl - 38 communes and 76 seats Imreal - 23 communes and 46 seats Keshi - 22 communes and 44 seats Agredei - 32 communes and 64 seats - Placeholder, Black Mausoleum - Structure and Organisation The concepts of ‘State’ ‘Party’ and ‘Government’ are often used interchangeably and rightly so. There is, however, some subtle differences. ‘Government’ usually refers to the current list of the officials of the National Assembly and Inner Council that hold seats of high importance. This includes the office of State General and General Secretary. It is common to (unofficially) refer to the government by the name of the most influential person (strongman or paramount) within it. For example, the current (post 2993) government is usually referred to as the Arzay Administration in honour of the current State General Arzay Nikromov. The ‘State’ refers to the political institutions and structure of Kaitjan, which remain constant despite elections and changes in the lists of officials. The OCPK (or simply ‘the Party’) is heavily entwined with the very Political system and administration of the People’s Republic, including the state organisations. Party structures form the basis for the national ideology, and generally remain unaffected by changes in the government. Internal dealings and power struggles are, after all, usually what decides the composition of the government and the course of Kaitjan as a whole. The State Wings This term refers to the three main wings of the Kaitjanese state; Civil, Military and Internal Security. Civil is the largest one, and handles all matters of running the country. Military is charged with matters of national defence, warfare and military development. Internal Security handles, as the name suggests, matters of espionage, counter-espionage, security services and the secret police. These three wings are headed by the General Secretary, the Minister of Defence and the Minister of Internal Security. These three and the State General himself form the core of the Inner Council, the single most powerful political body within Kaitjan. The General Secretary of Kaitjan is the de facto leader of the National Assembly and the head of the Civil wing of the state. He is in charge of running day to day affairs, and is one of the most powerful men in the government. Muran Heiza is the most (in)famous of all General Secretaries, as he amassed so much power that he eventually overthrew the State General with support from the military. Today the post is much less influential, but the importance of whoever is the General Secretary is not to be underestimated. The Minister of Defence is the head of the Defence Ministry, and nominally the second most important military official in Kaitjan, only answering to the State General. In practice, however, much of the power is shared between the minister and the High Marshal of the armed forces. The Minister of Internal Security is the head of the Ministry of Internal Security, and is as such the head of all non-military security matters of Kaitjan. He is, however, not in direct charge of the ISA, which is a semi-independent state security and secret police organisation answerable to the State General directly. Inner Council The Inner Council is a circle of highly important military and civil officials that together with the State General handle the most critical of affairs faces by the People’s Republic. There are six permanent members of the council, but the total number is subject to change, usually according to perceived needs. The permanent members are: The State General, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Kaitjan and the supreme head of the Kaitjanese state and Government. The military are represented by the Minister of Defence and the High Marshal. The latter is the direct commander of the armed forces, and is answerable to the State General himself. The former is the head of the ministry, and not the military forces. State security are represented by the Minister of Internal Security and the Chief-General of the ISA. The Chairman is the head of the OCPK party structures, and is often the chief ideologue of the Party. He represents its interests and authority in the council, and is fairly important due to the all-encompassing nature of the OCPK. The General Secretary is the head of the government and National Assembly, and is in charge with much of day to day business and affairs. Placeholder - Elective process Bureaucracy and State Apparatus In Kaitjan, a country where all private ownership is outlawed in favour of total governmental control, the state handles everything. From education to energy production, from the local convenience store to the border inspection - all are regulated, owned and operated by the state. And the state is truly vast - a beast consisting out of dozens of ministries and hundreds of departments, commissariats and boards. Over the decades of OCPK rule the state apparatus has grown exponentially, becoming more and more of a closely entwined network of organisations that has become increasingly hard to navigate. The red tape is everywhere, with a simple welfare request sometimes taking many months to be processed, approved and returned as it wanders between departments that rarely communicate with each other, the desks of officials that are either too bored, overworked or in love with the rulebook to approve it in time. Who answers to who and what seal or policy is currently in use is a constant headache, not only for the people that need to get something some but also by the state officials. Bureaucrats are both feared and revered as they are the only people able to get anything done. Overworked, dull, humourless or simply obstructive by their very nature they are the thousands of cogs that hold up the state and government. There are only a few ways to make the process of getting anything done made quicker. One is to know who to bribe and with exactly how much - pick the wrong man and you will be accused of trying to bribe a state official while said official pockets your money. Pay to little and your documents will take even longer just out of spite, and pay to much to get the anti corruption inspectors suspicious. Another way of circumnavigating the bureaucracy is to know its ins and outs and outskill whatever obstructive brick of a man stands in your way with a barrage of citations from whatever rulebook he adheres too. And finally - be someone important and on important business. The bureaucrat fears people such as his superior, important statesmen and certain special state agencies. And if you are just an average citizen with little spare money, you will just have to wait in line and hope that whatever you need will be done soon enough. All this being said, the state apparatus does function. It is overinflated, corrupt and inflexible, but it does eventually get things done. If something really is important the right posteriors will get kicked by the right boot to get said posteriors going. But the excessive red tape is an ever present problem in the People’s Republic, and save for tearing down the entire state apparatus there is little that can be done to solve it. Legal System of Kaitjan Kaitjanese law emphasized social and economical rights over political and civil rights. The Kaitjanese constitution grants citizen the right to work, housing, health and education. It also allows the freedom of speech, assembly and press. This does, however, depend on if the free expressions stay within the boundaries that the state finds acceptable, and their standards might be narrow indeed. In reality there is only one truth and one opinion allowed - the official one. Generally the judicial system cares little for what the citizens do in their daily lives as long as they do not disturb the peace or challenge OCPK and state authority. This does, however, not mean that laws are lax or humane. On the contrary - Kaitjanese laws are infamously harsh and merciless against those who breaks them. Kaitjan has a long tradition of cruel and inhuman punishment, and this tradition was adopted and continued by the People's Republic. The judicial system of the People's Republic is known as the People's Tribunal, which evolved out of the Revolutionary Tribunals of the Civil War. The PT was created in 2930, as one of the steps made by the OCPK to strengthen their grip over Kaitjan. The system has not changed much since then. In Kaitjan, law is a subject of politics, and politics is a subject of the OCPK and the state. In other words - the state provides rights and legal protection, but only to those it deems worthy of it. After the Civil War Kaitjan was a ruined nation, plagued by crime rates and with vast territories controlled by warlords of questionable integrity and loyalty. Draconic laws were passed to combat the lawlessness in 2929, but the hunt for those that broke them grew even more intense after the suspicious death of the first State General Kyr Wanúr. His successor - Tezyn Heíran - started a wave of violent repressions, targeting everyone from petty criminals to political rivals. This period became the First Purge. It lasted for three years, from 2931 to 2934, but the totalitarian and often time violent judiciary traditions still remain strong to this day. When Tezyn Heíran came to power he made it clear that Kaitjan had to be "cleansed" from counter-revolutionaries, criminals, traitors and all kinds of subversive elements. Before this was done it would impossible to create the perfect Búchtodan society. The purge took place on all levels - in the government, in the military and in civilian society. Many of those incarcerated and punished were real criminals - the result of nearly a decade of lawlessness in much of the country. Still, many where nothing but political opponents, dissidents and innocents caught in the increasingly repressive nets of state security. In 2932 religion was outlawed in Kaitjan as it was considered to have a subversive and dangerous influence of society. Traditional Mzairists constituted the vast majority in the People's Republic, nearly 91% of the total population. Since the mid 2800s Kaitjan had experienced a growth in followers of Silver Heliandism, primarily due to influence from the large Heliandist population in Abramoz and the Prutenian presence in Osnáat. Roughly 8% percent of the population adhered to Silver Heliandism. Many Mzairist traditions survived, and while symbols and worship was outlawed the religion and its followers were spared the most violent purges. Heliandism and other religions were not as lucky. Thousands were imprisoned or killed and many more where forced to leave the country. It is estimated that between 700,000 and 1,000,000 people were directly affected by the First Purge. Much of the information is heavily classified, but it is believed that nearly 200,000 where found guilty of high treason and grave subversive activity and summarily executed. Others were imprisoned, either in regular prisons or labour camps. The use of forced labour as a punishment remains a popular alternative in Kaitjan, and falls in well with the 'Work for Kaitjan' policies of the government. There are expansive networks of camps of varying size throughout the country, and as of 2999 it is estimated that as many as 1,100,000 people are performing forced labour as a part of their punishment. The government is highly secretive about the scale of these camps and has refused any discussion of them or the prospect of abolishing it. Capital punishment is also in use, and around 12,000 people are executed for various crimes each year. Some of the executions, especially those for more grievous crimes, are performed in public. There are three kinds of prisons in Kaitjan: regular prisons, labour camps and Umzurs. Prisons are operated by the Ministry of Justice and are dedicated to host "ordinary" criminal's who's crimes are not too serious in the eyes of the law. Thieves, con-artists, burglars, vandalism and other petty criminals are sent to prisons. The facilities are generally not very pleasant - cells are small and overcrowded, there is a distinct lack of recreational possibilities and the guards are not sensitive to prisoner needs and do not refrain from using violence direct at the prisoners. Labour camps are operated by the Ministry of Justice and are used to punish more serious crime. Traitors, murderers, rapists, people with a long criminal record, political dissidents and other undesirables are sent to perform forced labour. Conditions range from bearable to appalling. Camps vary in size and purpose; in some the prisoners are forced to grow crops to sustain themselves and other camps, while in others perform heavy manual labour. Forced labourers are extensively used in the construction of new infrastructure, mining operations (uranium is mined primarily by prisoners) and other state projects. Camps are usually located in isolated locations to lower the chances of people escaping, as well as keeping them away from ordinary citizens. The Kaitjanese government is highly secretive about the size and number of camps, and little dependable information about them exists. Umzur's are high security prisons operated by the Internal Security Agency - the ISA. Usually located underground, these facilities are some of the most dreaded and infamous places in Kaitjan. Very little is known about them as inmates are ever released. Some rumours say that the military conducts human tests and experiments with chemical and biological warfare, while others claim that they are using the prisoners to construct top secret facilities in the centre of the globe. Prisoners are supposedly kept in minimal concrete cells in which you can only sit slouched forward, and the complete darkness in which they are kept make people go blind and mad. Whatever the case, the Umzur's are considered a fate worse than death in Kaitjan. Terrorists, traitors and the worst criminals that for one reason or another are not executed are sent there, as well as all those people that simple disappear from existence. Capital punishment is common and widely practiced, but is usually reserved as punishment for more serious crimes. Terrorists, traitors and particularly gruesome "civil" criminals can expect being executed, usually by firing squad. Officially as many as 13,000 persons are annually executed in Kaitjan, although the actual number is potentially much higher. State and Internal Security At the end of the civil war Kaitjan shook off the shackles of feudal monarchy and transformed into the People’s Republic of Kaitjan. But the nation was young and weakened from nearly a decade of continuous war and hunger. Across the eastern border loomed the ancient rivals Agredei and Kesh, ready to strike at their weak neighbour. The enemy was within Kaitjan as well - still dangerous and unwilling to submit to the victorious OCPK and its army. Among them were dissident intellectuals and political opponents, factionless soldiers that refused to lay down arms, rogue warlords and criminal lords and religious Heliandist and Mzairist guerillas. All of them had to be eliminated. Therefore the young Peoples Republic formed the Ministry of Internal Security - the MIS, which would eventually become one of the largest and most important tools of the new government in their war to fortify their rule and remove all who dared threaten its and the nation's integrity. It formed the Security Wing of the Kaitjanese government in addition to the two already existing ones - the Military and Civil. In 2931 by official decree the first five so called Internal Battalions were formed - units of a thousand men in each. The soldiers were taken from especially loyal PRAK army units to be commanded by politically reliable and preferably incorruptible officers who had been under direct MIS control. Supplied with light armaments from the military, these battalions soon began operations on mopping up remaining pockets of resistance. They frequently cooperated with the PRAK in fighting guerrillas and rebels, but, especially as they lacked heavy weaponry, were mostly used to keep pacified territories under control after the army had moved on, as well as perform searches and execute those found guilty of so called anti-Kaitjanese activities. Soon it became clear that five battalions were not enough, and within two years the total number of Internal Battalion servicemen rose from 5000 to 90,000 across Kaitjan. By 2934 their number had reached almost 200,000. By this point most of the opposition had been violently removed or forced into hiding. The Battalions participated in the political purges of the OCPK and were instrumental in setting up and garrisoning penal and labour colonies. They were now acting both security service, police force and paramilitary support in one. Around this time the relations with Kesh and Agredei soured, and attention was increasingly being turned to the defense against foreign threats - both military and clandestine. In late 2935 the the Internal Battalions were disbanded by the MIS. Many of the men serving in them were transferred to PRAK units as a part of the effort to expand the size of the army. The remainder of the men - approximately 100,000 strong - was split into three new organisations within the MIS; the National Police, the Interior Troops and the Internal Security Agency. The newly formed police lost most of their heavy weapons and were reformed to serve as a civilian force - there to fight crime and keeping law and order. The draft was dropped and the the police was soon completely professionalized and moved to the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice. The Interior Troops, or simply ‘interiors’ became the direct successor of the Internal Battalions. They retained their weapons and status as a paramilitary organisation, and although fewer in numbers they would remain mostly the same under MIS control. Their primary task would to suppress potential revolts, guerillas and other threats to internal security and stability that could not be handled by the police. Most of the men serving in them would be drafted from the population, much in the same way as young males are conscripted into the PRAK. The Internal Security Agency - or the ISA, as it is known - was formed around a core of well trained, well-motivated and politically reliable officers from the battalions. Their task became to combat internal threats in form of political dissidents and subversive activity. Very soon, however, the duty of fighting foreign spies and saboteurs was transferred to them by the MIS. Over the years the ISA would develop a fearsome reputation both within and outside of Kaitjan as a powerful and brutally efficient security service. Its officers were recruited from both other security structures such as the Interior Troops as well as the population as a whole. Men - and women to a certain extent - who were deemed both dedicated and skilled in ways useful to the agency were offered a chance to join its ranks. Those that accepted were sent to train in special academies and from there they were placed in one or other branch of the ISA. By 2950 the agency had, although officially a subject of the Ministry of Internal Security - become independent and had started answering directly to the Inner Council of the OCPK government. It was a massive security machine that was responsible for a wide array of tasks associated with state security, among them being surveillance of the population, sensitive political investigations, rooting out traitors and unreliable elements in the military and the civil state, espionage and counter-espionage. The operatives and officers of the SIU - Special Investigations Unit - were the primary weapon in combating foreign agents and spies inserted on Kaitjanese territory, while other ‘units’ handled operations on foreign soil. The ISA was also given authority over the high-security Umzur prisons in Kaitjan, and operated them independently of the labour camps and prisons under the civil authority of the Ministry of Justice. For large and important operations the agency would closely cooperate with and even directly control units of interior soldiers. They did, however, have (and still have) their own paramilitary formations that are under permanent ISA control. Little is known of these highly trained men, but it is safe to assume that they carry out dangerous tasks both abroad and at home such as assassinations of high-value targets, sabotage and ‘eliminations’ of undesirable elements. The ISA has remained very powerful throughout its existence, and at some occasion it has even come to wield considerable influence within the highest echelons of the government. It was at its largest and most powerful in the 2950s and 2960s, although the following decades saw its power wein somewhat. As of 3015, the agency is loyally serving State General’s Arzayy Nikromov’s government, and its role remains important - maybe even more so than before. The subjugation of Apisteftia has made Kaitjan greatly grow in size, and has added several new ethnic and cultural groups. While the ethnic Kaitjanese, who now barely constitute 25% of the total population, are fairly loyal to Mozgúl and Kaitjan as a whole, there are many others that are not. Agredei, Abramozi and Keshi dissidents are many and far from happy with the state of affairs, and the threat they and their occasional rebel or terrorist group pose has led to the need to suppress them and clean out all traces of the former systems. The ISA is at the forefront of this effort, and its agents and informants are everywhere and ever present to be able to defend the People and State against traitors and internal enemies. Their exact number is unknown, but the agency as a whole is one of the most powerful organisations in Kaitjan, and save for the MIS it is the by far most powerful aspect of state security. And although it is not spared from the corruption and nepotism which plagues much of Kaitjanese society, it is widely considered to be the most loyal and least corrupt part of the state. The Interior Troops are still instrumental in providing the brute strength and firepower to deal with internal enemies, rebels and riots that the police is unable to handle. With the inclusion of reservists it numbers almost 700,000 men strong. Personnel is mostly made up from conscripts - a practice which has put the interiors at odds with the military which keeps its rank filled in the same way. Bickering over what percentage of men of eligible service age is a constant issue, and the Interior Troops are looking to increase the number of contract soldiers and officers by offering higher pay. They are still equipped as a strong paramilitary force, and have their own armoured vehicles and transports, trucks and modern heavy firearms. They lack any artillery or armour, however, and the only air support consists of light helicopters. In wartime they are expected to fight side by side with regular army units, but mostly in support roles, garrisons on captured territory and as mobile reserves to add some extra strength where it's needed. There is a certain distinction between the terms interiors and the so called ‘security forces’. The latter is a term for independent units that are trained to carry out specific tasks. Among them are heavy riot police, counter-terrorist units and other specialized forces. ‘Interior’ is simply the name for a soldier of the Interior Troops as a whole, and not one that is a part of a unit with a specific purpose. The National Police still fulfills the role as a civil peacekeeper and crime fighters. Service within them is considerably less prestigious than in the Interior Troops or the ISA, and the organisation is notoriously corrupt and inefficient. Attempts to clean them up are being made, but it remains to see if anything will change. But for a long they manage to keep the streets clean from the rabble and make sure that people can sleep safe by night - which they mostly do - the state has little reason to care for the details. Border Guard - Placeholder - ISA Propaganda Edited by Kaitjan, Sep 22 2016, 10:20 AM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 7 2014, 02:31 PM Post #5 |
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Administration and Districts System of Administration A district is the highest administrative division in Kaitjan, obeying direct orders from the central government seated in Mozgúl. Each district is headed by the District Assembly and the Regional Party Administration. They are responsible for carrying out the orders of the central government, developing and administering the district. Beneath the districts are the communes, which are considerably smaller and usually consist out of a larger city and the surrounding smaller towns and countryside. In charge of a commune is the Communal Assembly and a number of party inspectors. The smallest administrative division is the Collective, which can be everything from a village to a congregation of settlements and towns. Many villages in Kaitjan still retain ancient traditions in form of a number of village elders being in charge of it. This system is technically not legal, but remains nonetheless. At least one party functionary, however, is required to be present in the village or settlement - to oversee daily activities and represent the OCPK and its authority. Prior to the Glorious Agreement and the creation of the greater People's Republic, Kaitjan was divided into a six districts: Mozgúl, Juramáat, Kerzok, Osnáat, Imreal and Ganzey. In 2993 they were disbanded, and instead merged into three districts - Mozgúl, Juramáat and Imreal. They are known as the Heartland districts. The new territories - Kesh, Agredei, Korichan and Abramoz - were transformed from independent states to districts in their own right and each new district was in turn divided into new communes. Imreal District was expanded upon, with territories from the east side of Lake Imreal confiscated from Kesh and incorporated into the Kaitjanese heartlands. - Placeholder - the Glorious Agreement, Map - Districts Map - Communes Districts of the People's Republic Placeholder - Mozgúl District Placeholder - Juramáat District Placeholder - Imreal District The People's Republic of Korichan and Korichani District In the Apisteftian north-east lies the Korichani District. Once the territories were a part of the People's Republic of Korichan, but in 2993 the republic ceased to exist and became a district in Kaitjan. The region is dominated by the mighty Coriazta river basin, which also serves as the distributary to the lesser Lepol and Corzhed. It is along these three major waterways that the majority of the population lives. The region is very low set, consisting almost exclusively of lowlands which are prone to massive floods. Even outside of the rainy season large areas remain under water. Humid forested swamplands cover most of the district, with the shorelines and the north being the few exceptions. Korichan was and is famed for its beautiful beaches. The northern stretches are steep and rocky, while the eastern consists of long sandy shorelines. The north is characterized as a highland, although it is only high in comparison with the rest of the region. Popularly known as the "Sunny Stretch", this area is spared the full wrath of the winter season, as it generally breaks out when it has moved further over land. The Sunny Stretch is home to vast agricultural complexes and is due to this the most profitable region of the otherwise poor and underdeveloped district. Korichani District is a major producer of fruit, among which are: bananas, oranges, mango, pineapple, grapefruit, rambutan, durians, dragon fruit and papaya. Some are native to Apisteftia, while others have been introduced later. Another major produce is tobacco. Korichani tobacco, cigars and cigarettes was and still are highly valued in the People's Republic and the rest of Apisteftia. Agriculture, fruit and tobacco are the districts primary sources of income. The Korichani have a history as long as any other people in Apisteftia, but their path took a different turn. The others had managed to form into more or less unitary states during the 25th century, but the Korichani did not. The rivalling chiefdoms were conquered by Abramozi and Kaitjanese warlords. Korichan was effectively divided, with Kaitjan holding on to the northern parts and Abramoz to the south. The Korichani survived as a people with their own language and culture, but they were heavily influenced by their overlords and never had any real political power or say in how they were ruled. This state of affairs continued into the 30th century. When the Kingdom of Kaitjan descended into a bloody civil war the Korichani saw their chance to gain independence. With the central government weakened several warlords rose up and drove out the Kaitjanese Royal Army. With help from Kaitjanese communist forces the Korichani conquered first the north and then the territories controlled by the Abramozi. In 2932 the People's Republic of Korichan was created, with a semi-communist party forming the government, with the position of the head of state filled by First Chairman Khén Durm. Korichan came to exist as a state for 61 years, from 2932 to 2993. Its existence became characterized by economical problems and social instability. Korichan was devoid of most natural resources and few to none industries and had to find other ways to make ends meet. Exporting fruit, tobacco and slave labour to Kaitjan and Abramoz soon became the primary source of income of the young People's Republic. Being considerably more open than its communist neighbour, Korichan enjoyed a period of being a tourist destination in the 2980s. Foreigners were contained to luxurious hotels and gentrified coastal villages, the real state of the country carefully hidden from them. Korichan's best (and only) ally was Kaitjan, and Korichan remained heavily dependent on the Kaitjanese market and funding to survive. The economic crisis only grew worse as the 30th century progressed. The Juchaon Wars took a heavy toll on Korichan. Although the country escaped being ravaged by the fighting, hundreds of thousands of Korichani were killed while fighting in the east. Poorly equipped, feebly trained and badly motivated they were inferior to both their allies and enemies. Despite this the Korichani soldiers often found themselves on the front lines, used in human wave attacks to soften up the opposition before the "real fighters" started their advance. While the men were busy dying en masse for a cause they did not really understand Korichan was plagued by hunger. It is estimated that as many as 1,000,000 Korichani died from disease and starvation between 2960 and 2993. Social order suffered and the extremely corrupt (even by Apisteftian standards) government proved unable to solve the situation. Things culminated in 2990, when riots and uprisings broke out throughout the country, threatening a civil war. The Third Juchoan War was still being fought, and the Kaitjanese feared a new warzone opening up in their back. In late summer 2990 PRAK forces rolled into Korichan and put an end to the unrest. The country was put under a "temporary peacekeeping administration" by Kaitjan, and the situation remained as such up until 2993. The signing of the Glorious Agreement dissolved the People's Republic of Korichan and incorporated it into the Kaitjanese People's Republic, where it became known as the Korichani District. Most of the Korichani population welcomed this, tired and weary of decades of incompetent rule. Twenty years later the situation has improved. The OCPK government has heavily invested in the district, trying to modernize and improve the often terrible infrastructure and living conditions of Korichan. The great fruit and tobacco plantations now abide the production plans set in Mozgúl and have increased output. The Korichani populace enjoys better wages, housing and food supply, but remains the poorest in the People's Republic. Lately there has been attempts at resurrecting the tourist industry, as the authorities have realized the potential of the natural beauty Korichan's shores and beaches. As of now the visitors are primarily citizens coming from the rest of the People's Republic, but there are plans at expanding operations to accommodate foreigners as well. It remains to see if Korichan can leave its troubled past behind a become a completely integrated and functional part of the People's Republic. At least the people are happier than they were before, but who wouldn't be after 61 year of misrule? Kirzhom Kesh and Keshi District In the southeast, south of the major Abhad rivers lay the Keshi District. Once these lands, as well as expansive territories on the southern shores of Lake Imreal, where a part of a nation known as Kesh. The country's subjugation marked an end of a century long conflict with Kaitjan. Kesh lies at the edges of the hot torrid zone of Kosmopol, and overall enjoys a cooler climate than the rest of Apisteftia. The northern parts are dominated by the Abhad basin and river-lands, with the east in consisting of dense jungles. The central and southern parts, however, are mostly plains bordering on steppe. It is an open and empty landscape, one that has traditionally been inhabited by nomadic tribes and herding communities, with the larger population centres being located along the Abhad. In the late 29th century it turned out that the overall poor region was immensely wealthy in oil and natural gas. Today Keshi District is a major producer and refiner of these natural resources. As much as 38% of the People's Republics demand for oil is satisfied by the Keshi facilities alone, and 40% of the demand for natural gas. But Kesh has not always been the great 'fuel station', and has had an interesting role in Apisteftian history and politics. Kesh became a state in 2659, considerably later than both Kaitjan, Agredei and Abramoz. Before that the territories were inhabited by independent tribes, petty kingdoms and loose confederacies. War, raiding and plunder was common, targeting both fellow Keshi and people north of the Abhad - primarily the Agredei and the Kaitjanese. The Abhad river-lands were dominated by permanent settlements and cities, while the empty plains of the south were the home of nomads. In 2659 a long period of internal strife had come to an end, and out of it rose the Kirzhom. Kirzhom is the short form of a longer phrase, translating as "The Lordship of the Holy" or simple "Holy Lordship". The founders of the Kirzhom government where priests and monks from the far west of Kesh, and represented a particularly tough branch of the traditional Apisteftian Mzairism religion which dominated Kaitjan and Agredei. The Keshi where animists, and although their faith shared similarities with the Mzairists, they were far less organized (even by Mzairist standards) and were very diverse in their ways of worship. The Kirzhom were religious militants, preached the importance of religious piety and actively fought and converted their rivals. It took them roughly a century, but in 2569 they had managed to dominate most of the territories inhabited by Keshi tribes. The chieftains swore fealty to them, and the Keshi found themselves living in a united theocratic state - known as Kirzhom Kesh. It was decentralized to be sure; in exchange for loyalty and levy the petty lords were allowed to govern themselves and their realms, but the new central government remained powerful. Kesh was a feudal society, albeit with a religious leader - a Komorzhom - at the top of the ladder, and the clergy wielding considerable power and owning large areas of land. Kesh remained mostly poor and underdeveloped, and the majority of the population retained their nomadic lifestyle for centuries to come. The northern parts, where the clergy was at its strongest, developed more rapidly, much thanks to trade with the Agredei over the Abhad and the Kaitjanese over Lake Imreal. But as is often the case Apisteftia; peace is a prelude to war. During the 27th century the Kirzhom called to several holy wars, aimed at the conquering large portions of the south-eastern shores of Lake Imreal. They succeeded and the following centuries would continue to be plagued by raiding and war, primarily with the Kaitjanese. The Keshi assembled huge fleets, which they used to raid the western shores with. The memory of these raids still remain strong, and it still happens that Kaitjanese mothers scare their children with tales of the big, scary Keshi monsters from the deep east when they misbehave. The centuries passed, the world changed and Kesh had to change with it. The Kirzhom had created the country and kept it together, but had never exerted an overly strong control over the many chiefdoms it ruled over. Internal conflict and uprisings against the clergy were common. The Kirzhom did, however, retain their power, and realized that it had to make certain changes when it entered the 29th century. During its second half the northern neighbour Agredei started modernizing, and Kesh felt that it was time to do so as well. The relations with the Agredei were stable, but not with Kaitjan. The Kingdom of the Tiger loomed in the west, and the shores of Lake Imreal were still strongly contested. The process of turning Kesh into a modern state was slow and painful, but it had to be done. The feudal system was eventually abolished and the Holy Council in the capital of Manzar was replaced with a semi-functional republic. The high priests retained their supreme power, but Kesh had made its first steps towards becoming a modern nation. Overall progress was, however, hampered by a lack of natural resources to be used to create an industry. This changed in 2899. Agredei prospectors discovered that the seemingly worthless central plains and steppes harboured great riches in form of oil and natural gas. From this day and onward the Keshi economy would be centred around these riches of the earth. The industries grew, society changed and became more modern, much thanks to Agredei influence and investments. In return much of the oil and gas flowed north - to feed the much larger and much more powerful Agredei industry. In 2940 the two nations signed the Treaty of Peace and Cooperation, forming the Eastern Coalition against the young yet threatening People's Republic of Kaitjan in the west. Then came the Juchoan Wars. The western Keshi territories were badly ravaged by all three of the wars, with many cities and settlements completely eradicated and hundreds of thousands of civilians killed. During the first war Kesh was close to being defeated as the Kaitjanese had reached the Abhad and presented a serious and very real threat to Manzar. In the spring of 2969 a major battle was fought as the Kaitjanese tried to cross the river. Keshi resistance was fierce, and coupled with an Agredei counterattack further north forced the PRAK back. The battle became legendary in Kesh and a humiliating defeat to the Kaitjanese military, the commanders of which had been sure that they were on the verge of victory. In the early 90s of the 30th century the Keshi found themselves on the losing side of the Third Juchoan War. Kaitjan was victorious. The Kirzhom government was crushed and most of its leaders executed. A puppet regime was installed, and in 2993 the Glorious Agreement was signed, which turned Kesh into a district of the Kaitjanese People's Republic. Large territories of land were confiscated and incorporated into other districts, especially those around Lake Imreal. The Keshi branch of Mzairism was cracked down upon and the populace had to learn to cope with living under the iron rule of their long-time enemy. Kesh has gone through significant changes in the last 20 years. The Kirzhom is long dead and gone, and religion is banned from the public space. Schools teach the Kaitjanese language, and state propaganda does its best to promote Kaitjanese ideals and way of life. Loyalty to the central government in Mozgúl is important to be able to advance in life. The ruling regime is harsh, but education and healthcare is free and available in most of the country. And as the men are conscripted into the armed forces, one can say that Kesh is a mostly integrated part of the People's Republic. The economy is now run by the state and still centres around the extraction and refinement of oil and natural gas, which is now used to power the Kaitjanese industry, and the nomadic herders have had to give way to large collectivized farms. Kesh is stable but old grudges die hard. It remains to see if the district remains pacified in the future. The Democratic Republic of Agredei and Agredei District Up until 2993 Agredei - then known as the Democratic Republic of Agredei (DRA) - was a nation in northeastern Apisteftia. It dominated the Eastern Horn and the territories bordered by the Abhad River in the south and Penim river in the east. Rich in rivers, jungles and mountains, Agredei is home to the Agredei peoples. They and the Kaitjanese have been mortal enemies for a millennia, ever since the first conflicts on the expanses of Lake Imreal. The effects of this animosity and rivalry are still felt to this day, and manifest in everything from casual racism to ethnic conflict. The Agredei District is one of the best developed areas of the modern People’s Republic of Kaitjan. Agredei was with the exception of Abramoz was the first Apisteftian nation to adopt foreign ideas and technologies to begin the journey to become a modern nation. The DRA had industrial and military capabilities to rival those of Kaitjan, and after the incorporation of Agredei into the People’s Republic most of these were inherited by the victorious Kaitjanese in 2993. The Agredei district remains one of the most economically powerful regions in the country and on par with Mozgúl and Juramáat districts. Today it produces everything from agricultural produce and textiles to advanced electronics and fighter jets. The focus, however, lies on consumer products: household appliances, whitewares, televisions and radios. The Agredei are not one homogenous people, but rather a collection of around a dozen sub-tribes that share the Arem language and adhere to the Agredei identity. Among these groups the largest are the Chirmians, Pulzai and Minko, who have historically dominated their lesser brethren. Originating on the southern Eastern Horn, the Agredei tribes expanded both north and south - conquering and assimilating other tribal groups. In the end they had colonized the entirety of the Eastern Horn and reached the Abhad and Penim rivers as well as Lake Imreal, thus coming in contact with the Kaitjanese in the west and the Keshi in the south. The Agredei tribes fought and traded with them just as they fought and traded with each other, and their history is more or less identical to the early development of other Apisteftian nations. They did prove, however, to be much more capable to cooperate than the Keshi and Kaitjanese chieftains and warlords. In 2215 three powerful chiefdoms - Minko, Chirm and Pulzai - created the Chirm Confederation, named in honour of the holy Mount Chirm in central Agredei. It was ruled as an elective monarchy, with a new High Chief being chosen each year. This union of sorts did only last for 40 years, but it was one of the earliest documented proto-states in Apisteftia. For example - it did predate the creation of the Kingdom of Kaitjan by nearly 200 years. After the fall of the confederation in 2255 the three chiefdoms dominated most of Agredei territories and wielded considerable influence over the lesser clans and tribes. In the struggle for more land and power they actively expanded south, making incursions into Keshi lands over the Abhad river. Raiding expeditions over to the Kaitjanese chiefdoms were mainly conducted by the Pulzai, who had built up a significant presence on the northeastern shore of Lake Imreal. This state of affairs - coupled with plenty of internal infighting - lasted until 2460. There was not only war, however, but cultural and civil development as well - just as the Age of Chieftains in Kaitjan served to develop Kaitjanese society and culture, the post-confederation era helped shape an early Agredei national identity and high culture. In 2457 Poltoyad the Great united the Kaitjanese clans and created the Kingdom of Kaitjan. This was mostly ignored by the Agredei, but in a few decades the Kaitjanese tiger had grown both large and aggressive after internal hostilities had ceased. Rapid Kaitjanese military expansion followed, and the kingdom spread in all directions - including the east. The following centuries the Agredei-Kaitjanese conflict became longer and bloodier, and between 2500 and 2600 the Pulzai Chiefdom experienced seven full-scale invasions. Most were repulsed, but not without a heavy cost and loss of territories around the Penim river. The Kaitjanese had reached a golden age of sorts in military development, and did not cease their military campaigns. A series of wars over a 60 year period from 2600 to 2660 almost completely eliminated the Pulzai Chiefdom, which despite some support from Minko and Chirm was almost overrun. The loss of almost all access to Lake Imreal was a heavy blow, both to Agredei economies and prestige. And more - there was now a legitimate fear that the Kaitjanese would continue with their ambition to subjugate the Eastern Horn. In 2667, in the shadow of the holy Mount Chirm the rulers of Minko, Pulzai and Chirm formed the Chirm Dominion. They were not alone, as with them there were many lesser chiefdoms and tribes that were either subjugated or entered it voluntarily. This was the birth of the first properly united Agredei nation. The Dominion would elect an Overlord to rule over it, and although it was rather decentralized in nature it was given what there had earlier not been - a legalistic bureaucracy upon which the new government was built. It was around this time that the concept of Agredei as a nation emerged, and later a sense of unity. The Chirm Dominion proved to be much more resilient against the Kaitjanese and managed to reconquer many of its lost territories. It also further helped develop Agredei economy, arts and society, and the rule of the Overlords have been considered to be the Agredei golden age. In the 28th century it became apparent that there were two major powers in Apisteftia - Agredei and Kaitjan. The rivalry between the two states deepened with each new war which were continuously becoming larger and more savage in nature. In the brief periods of peace the two titans did everything they could to outdo each other in other fields. They built vast fortresses, promoted art, constructed splendid temples and showed their muscles as much as they could afford. It needs to be said that technically Kaitjan was superior in military manpower, but the Dominion was still strong enough to counter the major incursions. And in the 29th century things would change in favour of the Agredei. In 2822 the Dominion opened its ports to foreign merchants and became the first Apisteftian nation (save Abramoz) to do so. The Agredei proved willing students to the foreign ways to build nationstates and wage war, and begun the process of transforming themselves into a modern nation. Perhaps what interested the Dominion the most was weapons - rifles, cannons and gunpowder, as well as the skill and tactics needed to wield them. Across Lake Imreal the Kaitjanese watched them with contempt, seeing the Agredei openness to foreign technologies and ideas as pointless xenophilia. The refusal to open up to foreign trade would come to haunt them soon enough. In 2839 the Five Year War, a massive conflict between Agredei and Kaitjan began. It was one of the largest wars in Apisteftian history, with a total death toll counting in the millions. Armed with rifles and cannons the Agredei went to war against an opponent that was still stuck in the mentality of past centuries. The Kaitjanese had large numbers, but the drafted levies and the professional warriors still primarily used the bow, spear and sword, and the arquebuses they had were too few and too ineffective to match up with the massed firing lines followed by shock charges used by the Agredei. After five years of war that ravaged the territories around Lake Imreal, peace was finally signed. Kaitjan managed to avoid having to capitulate, but was forced to accept the loss of some territories and a very painful loss of prestige. This harsh lesson would eventually be what led to Kaitjan’s own modernization in the mid 29th century. The glorious victories won in the Five Year War had the Dominion accelerating the process of becoming a modern nation state. The military was still the primary concern, but significant improvements were made in areas of legalism, government, education and infrastructure. Secular universities were established, and Agredei was the first Apisteftian nation to launch its first functional railway lines in 2873. Classical capitalist economics were introduced even earlier in the 60s, and with them the rise of a class of powerful industrialists that would come to challenge the traditional feudal lords. In 2895 the Dominion had served its purpose, and Agredei was finally consolidated into the Republic of Agredei - a modern if authoritarian democracy with suffrage for the major landowners, industrialists and feudal families. Occasional conflicts flared up during the late 29th century and the early 30th between Agredei and Kaitjan, but they were very minor in comparison to the likes of the Five Year War. Kaitjan had begun modernizing as well, and although they were still lagging behind in many aspects they had managed to create an army that was capable of matching the Agredei. But in general Kaitjan was treated as a nuisance - a deadly beast that was slowly rotting away from the inside, plagued by internal strife and revolts. Still, Agredei strengthened its relations with its southern neighbour Kirzhom Kesh, which although weaker militarily and economically had an abundance of natural gas and oil that was desired by the Agredei industry. The Kaitjanese Civil War had dual effects on Agredei. The collapse of the centralized state presented and opportunity for expansion that the Agredei and their Keshi allies seized. Faced with little resistance they annexed territories along the border and later ratified it in a treaty with the victorious but exhausted communist regime that came to power in 2930. However, the victorious OCPK in Kaitjan also made the Agredei rulers worried that the fires of revolution and its radical ideas - (they had been successfully suppressed in Agredei itself, despite the extensive contact with the Pelagic) would spread to them. The rapid militarisation witnessed in Kaitjan and the fear that they would try to reignite past rivalries eventually led that power was seized by the very powerful military in 2936. It was not a junta per say, but although it instituted universal suffrage the civil parliament would have to do with severely reduced power. The Democratic Republic of Agredei was proclaimed in the late 2930s, and a new period of tension between them and the Kaitjanese began. In 2940 the government signed a treaty of Peace and Cooperation with Kesh, thus forming the Eastern Coalition to resist the Kaitjanese communists and their allies. The three Juchoan wars of the 30th century were a devastating affair. Agredei and Kesh won the first one and imposed an uneasy peace upon the Kaitjanese, but their victory was short lives. The second war saw the Kaitjanese once again on the offensive, and this time they came out victorious. The third war was a failed attempt by the east to make up for their losses, and ended with both Kesh and Agredei crushed and forced to surrender. In 2990 Agredei was occupied by Kaitjanese forces. Remnants of the army and rebel factions tried to resist, but they were too scattered to be able to push back the overwhelming Kaitjanese firepower and numbers. In 2993 a temporary puppet government signed the Glorious Agreement, and Agredei ceased to be an independent nation. Now a district it was incorporated into the People’s Republic of Kaitjan, and a part of it it has remained ever since. Relations between the Agredei and Kaitjanese are still strained. Centuries of strife and the atrocities committed during the Juchoan Wars have yet to be forgotten, and ethnically motivated violence is far from unheard of. Agredei has been fully integrated into the Kaitjanese planned economy, and despite the end of the free market and unrestricted entrepreneurship, the Agredei people is doing fairly well for itself. They still retain their reputation of being crafty, ambitious and business oriented, and many ethnic Agredei can be found in many high positions within society. Loyalty to the central government in Mozgúl and political convictions approved by the OCPK is a requirement, of course, but as long as one fills those criteria there is little that stops one from making a career. It remains to see if old grudges are forgotten and Agredei will become a loyal part of the People’s Republic, but one can always hope. Rebel groups still roam the jungles and fight a continuous low-intensity war with governmental forces, but save for sporadic raids and terrorist attacks they have not managed to do much to liberate their people. The iron fist of Kaitjan has Agredei in a stranglehold as hard as ever. Placeholder - Abramoz Edited by Kaitjan, Mar 1 2016, 05:05 PM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 7 2014, 02:37 PM Post #6 |
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International Relations - Current and Historical Neo Prutenia and Kaitjan - A tale of Trade and Distrust Spoiler: click to toggle Zyrika and Kaitjan - Bound by Thought, Parted by Pettiness Spoiler: click to toggle
Edited by Kaitjan, Mar 9 2016, 11:34 AM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 7 2014, 02:38 PM Post #7 |
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Economy and Social Services The Kaitjanese Economy and Búchtodan "Economy is not a matter of markets and individuals. Individuals are unreliable, and so is the market economy, built as it is upon greed and exploitation. Sure, one can argue that it provides the People with the goods they might desire, but I for one believe that desire is a feeling most treacherous. If left unchecked it grows into egoism and ignorance of everything but one's own dreams and ambitions. No - a strong, health and independent nation needs an economy catering to ITS needs, not the markets. Abundance and satisfaction in goods will come. First the nation has to be strong, governed in a way to fulfill its essential needs. To ignore the foundations of a house in the pursuit of carved walls and painted roof is to get a home which collapses in the wind." - Matarec Anzafei, leading OCPK economist in a speech 2930 - Kaitjan is a strict planned economy, functioning and operating according to the ideals formulated by the economist and philosopher Pachtún Leu, albeit with some modifications that removed the small free market aspect present in the original Búchtodan ideology. Every year the government - the National Assembly - gathers in the capital Mozgúl to discuss economic policies and formulate new economical plans. These plans dictate what areas and sectors of the Kaitjanese economy are to receive funding and support as well as deciding how they are to be developed and what production quotas have to be set. Industry, agriculture, social services and all other sectors within the People’s Republic then have to carry out these plans within the given timeframe, which can range from a year to five and ten. The primary focus in Kaitjan is put on what is known as “Nationals Foundations”. That is military production, heavy industrial production (mining, metallurgy and automotive industry being some of the largest sectors) and agricultural production. Supplying the military with equipment, the country with an industrial basis and producing the needed minimum of food are considered to be key for retaining stability within Kaitjan. Consumer goods are produced as well, but the quotas set by the National Assembly are often exceeded by general demand. The refusal to resort to imports has caused a situation where the bare minimum of household appliances and products are covered, but not much more than that. Agriculture mostly covers the needs of the populace, and although there is no overabundance of food in stores, there has been no famine or starvation in Kaitjan since the late 2970s. An important aspect of the economy are the strict self-reliance policies adopted in the 2940s. They were aimed at developing the domestic production and the elimination of the dependance on foreign produces and goods, with a special emphasis on military equipment and weapons. Trade still account for a very little part of the economy, and Kaitjan is capable of covering the majority of its needs. In some cases, however, the government has been forced to resort to imports. To cover the potential failings in reaching set agricultural quotas Kaitjan imports significant quantities of grain and rice every year. High quality and modern precision tools, advanced electronics, computers and microtechnology is something that the Kaitjanese industry still struggles with producing, and have to be imported. The army is a major consumer of these, and matters of military powers are treated as more important than national pride. Sectors of the Economy Agriculture Despite the industrialization of the country a significant part of the population still lives in rural areas, with the number of people involved with the agricultural sector reaching 22% of the total population. Villages and settlements are organized into collectives, with the farmers working together in large state-owned farms. Some are very large - sometimes with tens of thousands of locals employed, stretch over vast expanses of land and utilize an array of modern agricultural tools and machines. At the same time there is plenty of small scale farming communities with only a couple hundred employes that make use of domesticated water buffaloes and the same heavy manual labour as their ancestors. Rice is by far the most important crop grown and cultivated in Apisteftia, and farms and farmlands dedicated to producing it are found in every corner of the region. The Kaitjanese agrarian sector does mostly manage to cover the national needs for good, but large quantities of grain still have to be imported to cover for possible failures in production. Industry Kaitjan does have an abundance of natural resources and a powerful industry ready to exploit them. On an international level Kaitjan is known for three things - weapons, trucks and metallurgy. Kaitjanese weapons, armoured vehicles, tanks and trucks are considered robust, reliable and effective, and while the military keeps the best and newest models to themselves, the country is more than willing to the export simpler models and massive amounts of general purpose army equipment, ranging from assault rifles and machine guns to rocket launchers and manpads. The automotive industry is not known for producing great personal cars, but has a good record of designing and constructing heavy duty trucks and vehicles which are capable to operate in everything from dense jungles to Pruton roads with good performance. The south of the People’s Republic is very rich in ores, and Kaitjan is proud owner of a modern and highly developed mining and metallurgical sector. From high quality steel to alloys and copper, all can be found in the great smelters and factory complexes of Kaitjan. The People’s Republic is also known for the mining of large quantities of uranium ore. As of now it seems like the military has yet to master the secrets of the atom and create nuclear weapons, and the excess uranium is instead exported for cheap. After all, criminals conducting forced labour do not need to get paid and don’t live long enough in the mines to complain. Energy Due to lack of nuclear power plants (the power of the atom has yet to be mastered by Kaitjanese scientists) Kaitjan has made due with other sources of power. The nation has done well, however, and is self-reliant when it comes to energy production. The abundance of coal in the southern and northeastern parts of Kaitjan has made coal power the primary source of energy. It is not very clean and areas where the massive plant complexes are located are not the most pleasant areas, but the government has never been very concerned with the well-being of the environment. On the contrary - the dark smoke belched forth by the chimneys is considered aesthetically pleasing in propaganda - a proof of the ever burning fires of industry. Coal power is responsible for 60% of the energy produced in Kaitjan. As a contrast there is also a significant sector that deals with hydropower. Apisteftia is a region of many rivers, and it is no surprise that that the peoples living there decided to harness their power. Although the major rivers are untouched (as they are vital for the very survival of Kaitjan as a nation), many smaller rivers have been converted to massive dams, in the process flooding large areas and forced away hundreds of thousands of people from their homes. The Ezheva Dam in the Agredei District was completed in 3008 and is currently the largest dam in Apisteftia. To a lesser extent energy is harvested from oil burning facilities, but those are few and far between, as oil is much more needed in the industry and energy can be produced in other, more economically sensible ways. Transport Apisteftia is a region of wetlands, impenetrable jungles and rivers. It is not, however, a region of good roads and has never been one. Major cities are bound together by highways of decent quality, but they are also an exception. Dirt and gravel roads are overwhelmingly common outside of cities in rural areas. Instead of braving the wilderness the Apisteftians have always used the vast river networks to go from place to place, and this tradition remains to modern days. Hundreds of thousands barges, ferries and boats brave the rivers each day carrying goods and passengers. Lake Imreal and the Merizta river are the two most heavily trafficked waterways in Kaitjan, and these routes are vital for the national economy and life in general. But not all rivers and brooks are suitable for travel, and another solution had to be found. Railroads become the answer. Kaitjan operates a vast network of railroads which connects it all together. Some have even argued that they are more important than the rivers, as they make it possible to transport both people and goods from the deep interiors of the country. The first railroad line - the Mozgúl-Juramáat line - was finished in 2899 by the Kaitjanese entrepreneur Karzey Ímor, and he is still considered the father of the national railroads. Since his times the network has been expanded greatly upon, and it is today possible to get on a train in Agrad in the Korichani district and arrive in Maedur in Agredei in a few days without having to get of a single time. Notable Kaitjanese Exports: Coal, steel, iron, metals and alloys, ore, heavy-duty trucks, military equipment, military vehicles, weapons, textiles, silk, contract labour, exotic fruit, lumber, live plants, animal skins, tobacco, tea. Notable Kaitjanese Imports: Pharmaceuticals, precision tools, measuring tools, advanced electronics, computers, fuel. Welfare and Social Services “The Nation is obliged to take care of its citizens, like a mother cares for and nurtures her children. The vision of a People’s State is impossible if we let the People wallow in dirt - suffering sickness, hunger and a life without a roof. We are not the despots of the dark past! The People’s Republic will care for the People. But as a tiger rejects her cubs if they show weak spirit and will, so will Kaitjan.” - General Secretary Razic Oriazta, 2942 SH - The government and state of Kaitjan keeps extensive records of its citizens. Since the day a person is born she or he is turned a citizen (provided the parents have citizenship) and is officialy included in records and archives. From birth and until death he or she is monitored by the state apparatus and records are kept of their activities, crimes, education, work and family. This comes heavily into play with the extensive Kaitjanese welfare system. Every citizen is granted a home, education and healthcare. There is only one catch; there are certain conditions to be met if you want to enjoy Kaitjanese welfare. A citizen's right to it is decided by their productivity and loyalty. Serious crimes, vocal “unapproved” political viewpoints and failure at doing your work properly are factors that will cause one to lose these rights. Living a lawful life, adhering to the right political ideals and dedicating yourself to properly perform your work and duty to the nation, however, will grant you them. The Ministry of Welfare is in charge of keeping track on who is deserving of state help or not as well as issuing the right documents. These have to be updated every three years, and the massive amounts of red tapes makes acquiring the proof that a citizen is indeed fit and productive can be hard. But once you actually get a hold of the documents and right seals you can sleep tight. Education, healthcare and other welfare services will be provided to you and your closest family for free, at least for the next three years. If you yourself fall sick the state will make sure that you and those close to you are kept alive and well through regular payments and checks. And after a lifetime of good service and work you will be able to lean back in your chair, take a beer and rest, knowing full well that the nation will make sure to keep you fairly cosy where you sit. But have you not lived a proper life and should you have failed to do your duty, there will be consequences. The state will not help you in your time of need, and if you have misbehaved indeed you are risk being forcibly relocated to a new location to start a new life of hard labour and colonization. That is unless a friend or relative is prepared to pay for you remaining in the arms of welfare services. Freeloaders are not appreciated in Kaitjan. Proper citizens are rewarded, but those fail to do their national duty form something of a class on their own - they are the undesirables, the borderline traitors in society. Housing Housing is provided virtually for free by the government. Homes are owned by the state and upkept by state services, and every citizen is given somewhere to live with running water and electricity. Out in the countryside, where settlements often consist of houses passed down generations, the people living in them technically also own them, but have to pay special taxes for them. There are different classifications of houses - divided into standardized classes. Class 1 are the most luxurious, often reserved to politicians, military officers and other important people in society. Class 5 are simple apartments, the basic home for the most ordinary citizen. Being upgraded (or downgraded) to a class is decided by the service and productivity (which is carefully measured) of the family. While this is often connected to the work of the family head (better paid work makes it possible to afford and live in a better apartment), but it is possible for lowly and relatively poor people to be upgraded. This can be done if they manage to stand out in a very positive way or are awarded by the government for exceptional service of some kind. The basic Class 5 apartment consist of one bathroom, one kitchen and two small bedrooms, and is found virtually everywhere in the People’s Republic. Huge concrete apartment complexes are built en masse, and although not very nice to look at, they are efficient at giving lots of people a simple but functional home. Healthcare Healthcare is provided for free. Wherever in the People’s Republic you are, you can visit the local clinic for some basic medical care. When it comes to more advanced medical assistance you are assigned to the hospitals in your commune. The goal of Kaitjanese healthcare programs is to provide the best healthcare possible, but the quality of both it and the hospitals varies depending on where you live. Better developed and urbanized areas of the People’s Republic provide the best services, while poorer rural territories, beside having overall worse infrastructure, also have worse access to social services. A citizen, however, does not have to fear being turned away when entering a hospital or clinic, and if need be will be delivered to it by emergency services. Education Education is well invested in. Authorities believe that an educated population is good for both the national prestige as well as productivity, and the education policies reflect that. To allow parents to work without having to worry for their child there are lots of daycares and nurseries operating all over the nation. Real obligatory education starts at six and a child is placed in first case of elementary school. Contrary to certain foreign beliefs, Kaitjanese education is fairly balanced, from the lower classes to the higher. There are obligatory political classes, and an ideology based on patriotism and communist ideals dominates schools. Lots of attention is, however, put on regular subjects. The aim of the government is to give all children a good basic education to create a good foundation, would the students later decide to pursue more advanced and specialized education. Subjects taught in elementary and secondary school include the Kaitjanese language, mathematics, music, geography, history and many more. Lots of emphasis is put on a proper physical education, especially for boys, who will sooner or later be drafted and serve in the armed forces. Having a healthy body as well as a healthy body is considered good as well, especially if it can bolster productivity and keep citizens healthy. Few foreign languages are taught in Kaitjan, at least outside of higher educations. Low Prut is one of the few which there are classes in at all, and are optional from 7th grade. Higher education is free as well and available for all as well, but not obligatory. Tests are required, but anyone can become a doctor or scientist without their families having to go bankrupt, as long as they have the required knowledge and ambition to acquire more. The state regularly formulates plans on what kind of educated workers it requires for the coming years, and tries to influence the decisions of new students by aggressive propaganda and promises of benefits. Focus is primarily put on education's beneficial for the industry, such as engineers, architects and various expertises in the field of both industrial and civil development. The oldest modern university in Kaitjan is located in the city of Osnáat. It was founded by the Prut during the times of the Achenthorp Kontor, and until their expulsion during the Civil War it was known as the Grotlehranstalt. Despite several changes made by the communist government, the university is still operational and is currently known for providing education in naval engineering. There are several military academies in Kaitjan, and the state actively encourages young man to apply and become officers and experts in military matters. Being a cadet and officer is quite prestigious, and it is no surprise that many do apply. Placeholder - Public Transport Income and Classes in Kaitjan - Placeholder - Edited by Kaitjan, Nov 24 2015, 02:08 PM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 10 2014, 10:08 PM Post #8 |
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Geography and Enviroment of Kaitjan Maps Geography Apisteftian Nations Pre-2993 Cities (Rivers too large, refer to the Geography map instead) Districts Post-2993 Geographical Features Apistefta is a large, by land mostly isolated region which stretches out on the northern shores of the Old World of Kosmopol. Located as it is in the torrid zone, the climate is best described as hot, humid and tropical, although there are significant differences between the northern and southern parts. The far north is often very hot due to its proximity to the equator, the mid territories are slightly gentler and the south is more subtropical in nature, some areas even describable as temperate. Apisteftia is in many ways inhospitable to human life; the vast majority of all land is covered in dense tropical rainforest and jungles. Through this nigh impenetrable mass of wilderness many great river stretch out, and it is around rivers, lakes and all kinds of inland waterways that Apisteftian civilisation arose. These stretches of mostly open land, swampy and marshy as they might be, have been stubbornly drained, cleared and cultivated for over a millennia by the native peoples. Arable soil has always been a prized possession and led to a savage war with nature itself, and when slash-and-burn agriculture and draining of swamps have not been enough, the people have turned on each other. Over the centuries the Apisteftian civilisations developed incredibly advanced irrigation networks of man-made canals and lakes to divert the flow of the river’s to whatever place they desired to grow their primary crop - rice. Yet the sheer vastness of the Apisteftian wilderness is overwhelming, and even today the actions of man in their petty riverlands can appear miniscule on the grand scale of things. From north, west and east Apisteftia is surrounded by sea. The natives were late to develop crafts able to traverse anything but rivers and the calmest coastlines, and up until the 28th century there were rather few foreigners that felt it was worth the effort to try and step ashore. The seemingly endless wilderness filled with dangerous animals, reptiles, insects and plants, exotic diseases and the violent native peoples discouraged most merchants and adventures. This effectively isolated Apisteftia from three sides. In the far south lie the Brúudar Mountains, a vast mountain range which creates a natural barrier between Apisteftia and most of Ardania. There are, however, two open roads leading to the region, and the first is through a large stretch of open plains in the far southwest. They are commonly known as the Belai plains, and enjoy a cooler, more temperate climate than much of the Apisteftian interior. Before the proper opening of Apisteftia to trade by sea, much of the interaction between it, Ardania and the Pelagic was conducted along the Belai silk roads. These are also known as the Abramozi silk roads due to the so called Abramozi kingdoms which dominated the area. In the far east, separated by thousands of kilometres, lie the Keshi steppes. They also enjoy a more pleasant, almost temperate climate, and were not cut off from the outside world by the Brúudar mountains. They never did, however, become as important as the Abramozi, at least not until vast reserves of oil and natural gas were discovered in the early 30th century. The northern coast of Apisteftia is surprisingly uninviting. The northern and eastern sections of it are often rocky, even mountainous in certain areas. They are also the hottest areas of the whole region, and surprisingly also some of the driest despite the closeness to the sea. This is mostly due to the seasons. In Apisteftia there are two main seasons - summer and winter, with autumn and spring being rather short and unimportant transitions between the two. The summers are hot and dry, but each winter raging storms - often called monsoons - assemble out at the northern seas and push in over land. The intense rains are, however, unleashed considerably further inland and most of the precipitation misses the northern coastlines. Due to this they are known as the “Sunny Stretch”. In some places the rocky terrain gives room to long and beautiful sandy beaches, and in recent years there have been attempts from the Kaitjanese government to turn them into tourist resorts. Brúudar Mountains The Brúudar mountains do serve a very important role for Apisteftia. Most of the great rivers have their sources among the glacial peaks. The wish to control over them has led to several destructive conflicts between the Apisteftian nations in form of the three Juchoan Wars. The name comes from the so called Juchoan ponds found in the mountains, but is slightly misleading, as the ‘ponds’ have more in common with glacial lakes. The foothills and lower areas of the mountain range are mostly forested, in some areas even by temperate forests. Human presence is sparse with the exception for a number of large mining towns found in the central and eastern territories. Soon, however, the mountains become rocky, steep and increasingly unfit for humans. Historically a few small kingdoms have existed in the Brúudar, but most of their old cities have been long since been abandoned. Villages and settlements nesting in valleys and on the edges of steep cliffsides do exist, but they are few and far between. The Sister Rivers Apisteftia is dominated by three mighty rivers - the Coriazta in the west, the Merizta in the centre and the Abhad in the west. They are known as the sister rivers, and they have been and still are vital components in Apisteftian civilisation. Ancient tribes settled along them and used their expenses for a supply of fresh water, fishing, agriculture and trading, and it was around them that most of the region's nations arose. The rivers are wrapped in countless myths and legends and have been regarded as living beings as of themselves. According to the native religion of Apisteftia - Mzairism - the three are the offspring of the goddess Afada and the mountain god Pakhú. Afada gave birth to three beautiful daughters, each of which decided to follow in her own direction. The Coriazta chose west, the Merizta north and the Abhad went straight east. The three rivers are home to a diverse array of aquatic plant and wildlife. They are also used as water supply, transport routes and industrial fishing grounds. Both the Merizta and Abhad are indirectly tributaries to Lake Imreal. The Abhad has the Kabhad which falls into the lake while the Merizta has the Narizta which fulfills the same purpose. The majority of the citizens of the People’s Republic of Kaitjan live in cities along the sister rivers, and the urban and industrial sprawl combined with inconsiderate exploitation has led to ecological damage in certain areas. Lake Imreal There is still debate whether Lake Imreal should be classified as an inland sea or as a particularly large lake, but as it consists of freshwater, most lean towards the ‘lake’ option. Lake Imreal (never simply ‘Imreal’) is both a cradle of Apisteftian civilisation (just as the sister rivers mentioned above) and a natural barrier between the east and west of Apisteftia. Besides being large it is also very deep - maximum depth has been measured to just managing to reach 1 kilometre - and it is home to a large array of aquatic plant and wildlife. It is rich with fish, crocodiles and of course - fresh water. The climate is tropical, but the lake helps ease the heat in the surrounding territories. Strong and potentially dangerous currents are commonplace, and during the winter season Lake Imreal is prone to violent storms. Since ancient times there have been people living on both the eastern and western side, surviving of fishing and agriculture on the fertile shores and plains surrounding the lake. Extensive trade and transport by boat and ship has been conducted across the expanses, and of course warfare. In the depths it is possible to find vessels of every type and from nearly all eras of Apisteftian civilisation, from humble wooden long boats to large monitors and cruisers. The lake floor remains mostly unmapped, however, due to the significant depth and large areas that need to be covered. In contrast with previous centuries and the 30th century in particular, today Lake Imreal is rather peaceful. It is still a very important source of fish, seaweed and fresh water, and is extensively used for transport of goods and people between the east and the west of Kaitjan, through this effectively tying the country together. A large part of all arable land in the nation is located on the shores of Lake Imreal, and therefore there is a massive presence of agricultural farms in the area. In addition there is a lot of industry, both light and heavy, located in the many lakeside cities and towns. Recently this has raised environmental concerns. Much of the waste accumulated by industry, agriculture and the cities themselves is not properly cleaned and is just dumped into the lake. Some population centres even lack purification equipment completely. Further adding to the problem are sunken vessels, as many of them leak dangerous chemicals and oil into the water. Wildlife Apisteftia - and as a result Kaitjan - is home to a wide array of exotic wild and plantlife. Many species are indeed unique to the region. The large territories of untouched land have also allowed most of them to flourish. The Kaitjanese government has never been known for caring much for the environment, but does enforce a number of draconic laws that happen to help protect it. Any type of fishing, logging and hunting without explicit permission in a given area is considered a serious crime that can warrant anything from five years of correctional labour to execution. The state owns both the wilderness and wildlife, and stealing from the state is nothing the authorities take lightly upon. The perhaps most iconic animal, which incidentally also happens to be the national symbol of Kaitjan, is the Kaitjanese tiger, or the ‘Kai’ as it is known to the locals. This animal is one of the larger tiger species in Kosmopol, and probably one of the most plentiful, as its population ranges in the many tens of thousands. Weighing up to 310 pounds and reaching as much as 350 centimetres in length, they are imposing animals to be sure. Since times immemorial they have been treated with utmost respect, awe and have even been object of religious worships as embodiments of a particularly important native god - Mzair. It is to this day considered a terrible offense to kill a tiger, with exceptions being made only in cases of self defence. And even then, the stain of having killed one does never really go away. In modern Kaitjan an unprovoked killing is punished by execution This reverence has allowed the animal to flourish with little fear of poachers. It is found mostly in the central and north-eastern areas of Apisteftia, and areas with large populations have indirectly created a shield to many other species that might come under threat from human expansion. For example, if it is known that a large number of tigers live in a certain forest, it is much more unlikely that anyone will want to cut it down or go there at all. Apisteftia is home to many other feline predators as well that form the top of the ecological food chain. Among them is the clouded leopard, the black leopard (also known as black panther), the marbled cat and the leopard cat. They are not protected by the same reverence as the tiger, and although their skins, bones and teeth are prized, their populations remain strong due to harsh poaching laws. Together with the tiger they form the Kaitjanese/Apisteftian “Feline Five”. Other predators calling Apisteftia their home includes the dhole, the white-crested bear and the Apisteftian wolf, which is a smaller subspecies of the gray wolf and is mostly found in the south and in the Brúudar mountains. There is a plethora of reptiles and amphibians in the jungles and waters of Apisfeftia, ranging from tiny venomous frogs and toads to large snakes and crocodiles. Various freshwater crocodiles thrive in many of the large rivers, and some waters - especially on the Eastern Horn - are home to populations of the saltwater variety. A common herbivore is the water buffalo, and it is found in both in the wild and as a domestic animal. Ever since Apisteftians took up agriculture it has been used by farmers as a reliable aid in tilling land and transporting goods, and as a source of milk, beef, skins and horns. They remain in widespread use despite the introduction of modern machinery and tools. Larger (and wilder) herbivores include rhinos and elephants. Both subspecies are comparatively small, and their numbers are contained to mostly the south where they exist in relative peace from human intrusion. Much more common are various kinds of deer and muntjac which can be found in almost every corner of the region and serve as prey to the many predators. The distant relatives of man - small monkeys and gibbons - are present in the eastern areas of Apisteftia. The golden gibbon is perhaps the one that is best known, and it's beautiful skin has, despite laws and regulations, served to diminish its population. Plantlife With most of Apisteftia being covered with jungles, it is no surprise that the region is home to a great diversity of plantlife. Exotic timbers, medicinal plants and unique specimens that can be found nowhere else in Kosmopol all call Apisteftia and Kaitjan their home. The hot tropical climate which dominates most of the region is suitable for all kinds of tropical fruit, and both native and introduced species can be found growing in orchard and in wild grooves across the People’s Republic. Edited by Kaitjan, Dec 9 2015, 09:22 PM.
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| Kaitjan | Jun 12 2014, 10:10 PM Post #9 |
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Military The PRAK and Kaitjan - Placeholder - History and Doctrine The People's Republic of Kaitjan has spent much of its existence at war. Neither royal Kaitjan nor Apisteftia in general have been strangers to fighting, and a popular saying states that peace is only a prelude to war. Still, never in the history of Apisteftia has there been a more violent century then the 30th, and the People's Republic of Kaitjan was in its very midst. The country emerged out of the fires of a destructive civil war, fought insurgents and rebels within itself and eventually its neighbours. The three Juchoan Wars were extraordinarily bloody and costly affairs and resulted in massive losses of human life. Some data suggests that as many as 28 million soldiers and civilians on all sides succumbed to shells, disease or hunger as a direct result of these conflicts. The Kaitjanese doctrine and approach to warfare has changed as time has passed and the PRAK tried to keep up with development. One usually divides the history of PRAK tactics, strategy and warfare into three parts: the early period, the "warring" period and the late period. Early Period 2930 - 2950 The PRAK emerged from the Civil War as a victorious fighting force after having mercilessly crushed and scattered its enemies. The PRAK was, however, not very different from other armies of the period, and despite the best efforts of modern propaganda it would be wrong to describe it as a superior fighting force. Its early existence was plagued by large problems, and although some were corrected many prevailed for years to come. The Civil War was a vibrant and bloody mix of the old and new. Swords, spears and matchlocks were used side by side with modern bolt-action rifles, machine guns, armoured cars and artillery. Romantic views of honourable hand to hand combat under the leadership of charismatic chieftains clashed with massed with trench warfare and heavy firepower. Armies and hosts were often loosely coordinated, and operated according to the goals and ambitions of their individual generals or warlords, which made combined operations harder to organize. The PRAK was not exempt from this chaos. The officer staff could consist of everything from former Royal Army officers schooled in modern tactics and strategy to enthusiastic but inept commanders that had accquired their position thanks to charismatic personalities or sheer coincidence. A third category was the warlords - former nobles or commoners that had made it big - that had gathered forces of varying size around them and either sided with the fighting factions or tried to carve out their own domains. The common soldier was as diverse as his commanders; there were regulars from the Royal Army that had switched sides, badly equipped militias made up from peasants and workers. There were motivated idealists and reluctant conscripts and everything inbetween. Among the most colourful were the freelance bandits and mercenaries, as well as the traditionalist warriors who armed themselves with swords and ancient warrior ideals. Almost all factions of the civil war had to deal with these factors, with the sole exeption perhaps being the Royal Army - which despite low morale, incompetent commanders and mass desertions both outgunned and outnumbered its opponents up until 2925. What finally broke the Royal Army was not the sheer tenacity and bravery of the PRAK (this is, however, the popular image in national propaganda), but that the royalists were simply unable to fight all its enemies at once. When it finally collapsed the PRAK had grown large and strong enough to openly challenge its remnants and other rebel factions. The period was characterized by the fact that major battles were uncommon, fighting was mainly done in form of skirmishes and that the large encounters that did occur often disintegrated into chaos. Individual commanders often took the initiative while the generals struggled with understanding what was happening as much as coordinating their forces. One of the reasons for the communist hero's Kýr Wanúr's many exploits was his ability to effectively manage his troops. He also preferred to operate on a smaller scale, using infiltration tactics and surprise attacks to harass his enemies and break them up. When two armies did, however, collide, the affair often turned bloody indeed. Both the PRAK and many of its rivals practiced the use of human waves and hand to hand combat. In some ways it was a sound strategy - the masses of badly trained and equipped men were often ill fitted to long-distance warfare. Instead the two opposing sides would spend only a little amount of time firing at each other before rushing into close combat. Such battles could last from anywhere from a few minutes to several hours or days, depending on the size and morale of the participating forces. The communists and the PRAK enjoyed wide-spread support from the masses. Much of their goals circled around gaining access to densely populated areas of Kaitjan, as it gave them more and more men to draft. When the Royal Army was destroyed the PRAK started actively fighting its former "allies", the Anarchists. Now they had a clear advantage. The Anarchist faction was not as much a faction as a loose gathering of warlords and feudal lords that were bound together by their distaste of the royal family and central authority. Despite being superior in numbers and controlling large swaths of land, the Anarchist warlords suffered from poor coordination. Kýr Wanúr had managed to create enough of a centralized command to allow the PRAK to operate on a united front, a feat that the Anarchists had not achieved. This became the cause of their downfall, despite fierce resistance from several of the warlords. At the end of the war the PRAK managed to build up enough strength to simple overrun it's opponents with sheer numbers and firepower. In 2930 the last pocket of organized resistance was crushed and the CPK (the predecessor of the OCPK) claimed victory. Fighting in the south against jungle-dwelling tribes and the suppression of insurgency would continue for many years, but the People's Republic of Kaitjan could now be established and the PRAK became the regular standing army. Despite their victory both military commanders and politicians realized that the People's Republic was weak. Almost ten years of fighting had left the nation ravaged and the people impoverished. The army was large but outdated and still badly organized. The years following the victory the PRAK was one of the new governments top priorities. The ranks were purged from unreliable officers and soldiers and the army was finally completely centralized. A proper and modern general's staff was set up in Mozgúl and the process of modernizing and growing the armed forced began. Up until 2949 the PRAK was treated as both military and a police force by the government. It was strong in numbers but was still lacking in both aviations and tanks. Infantry fought primarily on foot, transported from place to place by horse or truck. Armoured cars and tanketts were used as mobile fire support, and the task of breaking through enemy lines was left to cavalry, mass charges and infiltration groups. And although the process of bringing more heavy equipment into the army and bringing the PRAK up to a proper international standard begun in the 2940s, the Kaitjanese war machine of the Juchoan Wars appeared only as late as in the late 50s and early 60s. "The Warring Period" 2950 - 2993 The diverse terrain of Apisteftia presents a challenge to those that want to wage war there. The south is heavily forested and consists of ancient jungles and rainforests. There is an abundance of swamps, bogs and wetlands to be found in the southern and central parts, which all makes it hard to wage modern mechanized warfare. The north-central parts of the region, however, at the southern shores of the Sea of Azae, consists out of vast open plains. These three main types of terrain - jungle, wetland and plain - have had their impact on the doctrine and tactics of the PRAK. Since the early 50s the PRAK had been developing with a total war in mind. In the east the Agredei and Kesh were constant rivals and historical enemies, and few people - Kaitjanese nor others - had any illusions of that there would peace. Everyone prepared for war, and the PRAK was mean to be the superior war machine of Apisteftia. Kaitjan was carefully groomed and readied for war over the course of several years. Nationalist and patriotic ideals were taught from an early age and huge numbers of men were annually conscripted to serve in the army. And even after their service was over they were eligible for an immediate draft. The military industry boomed, and even many civil factories could easily be changed to produce munitions and weapons needed for the coming war effort. Massive quantities of ammunition, fuel and military hardware were carefully prepared. The bulk of the armed forces were made up out of mechanized infantry - the so called motorifle divisions. These formations utilized trucks and armoured carriers for transport, and were created to be able to operate in everything from the jungle to an urban setting, both by themselves and in cooperation with other divisions. The Kaitjanese infantryman of the period was not very glamorous or fancy, but had his strengths. He was reasonably well-drilled after three years of service, reliable and loyal to nation. High losses lowered the quality of formations due to the need to throw mostly fresh conscripts into the meat grinder, but the Kaitjanese soldier remained effective and reliable. Aggressive propaganda and a centuries long distrust and hatred of the enemy made the infantryman a useful resource for the PRAK commanders. The common infantryman was trained to be proficient with his weapons and to be able to operate in most terrain and conditions. Jungles soon became an exception, however, and special light infantry units were created for such kinds of warfare. Dubbed "Dezjugei", these units were aimed at exclusively fighting in bogs and rainforests, but they will be dedicated their own part in the factbook. But as for the Kaitjanese infantryman - in the end he was replaceable. The PRAK never put much worth on the lives of individual soldiers or officers, and would happily sacrifice them for tactical and strategic gains. Both men and hardware would be eagerly discarded if it meant that a position could be taken or held, even if the cost would be high indeed. The soldier's job was to die in battle, overwhelming the enemy with numbers and sheer tenacity. Instead theoreticians and commanders put their faith into the tank. In their eyes the tank was the epitome of offensive thinking, and as the PRAK doctrines focused on unrelenting offensive it was the perfect weapon of war. Tanks were produced in large numbers, and came in two main types before the introduction of the Main Battle Type in the 2980s; the cavalry tank and the fighting tank. The offensive doctrine put emphasizes on mobility - the ability to quickly close rank with the enemy and roll over them in a wave of steel and men. The greatest hinder was the Apisteftian landscape and the many rivers and wetlands that it harboured. The cavalry tank types were lighter, sacrificing armour and firepower for higher speed and amphibious capabilities. Together with motorifle units - the vehicles of which were designed to be able to cross water and wetland as well - the cavalry tanks were to push forward to exploit weaknesses in the enemy lines or to attack retreating formations. Fighting tanks were not as mobile (although they as well were built with mobility in mind, much more so than other contemporary designs) but were better protected and armed. It was they that were to spearhead the assault on strong enemy lines. Aviation and artillery was given a lesser role. The air force was to guide the skies above the advancing tank columns and fend of attackers together with ground based anti-air artillery, but was generally not meant to actively engage enemy forces. The Kaitjanese high command consider artillery (especially heavier artillery) to be useful but often impractical, as much of it was sluggish in comparison with the offensive tanks and motorifle divisions. Artillery strikes were used in limited quantities just before an assault, but as said before, the main trust was put into the armoured forces. Despite soldiers and officers generally being well trained and prepared for war, the PRAK always suffered from inflexibility. During the First Juchoan War(2968-2970) it became one of their larger weaknesses. Field-level commanders rarely had the ability to take their own initiative and the whole commanding process was incredibly top heavy. Experience showed that the Kaitjanese battle columns were near unbeatable when on the offensive, but were very vulnerable to a determined and more agile attacker. In many costly battles the PRAK managed to break through several enemy lines, only to slowly be encircled and be chipped away at by concentrated air assaults and artillery bombardments. Many high level commander's slowness to react and unwillingness to retreat played a part in the eventual defeat. The PRAK, however, learned from some of its mistakes. The terrifying power of the Agredei air force and the effect the assaults had on the Kaitjanese columns made them reconsider the role of the Kaitjanese air force in war. More attention to aircraft, tactics and closer cooperation with the ground forces became a new thing the years following the First Juchoan War. The Kaitjanese introduced a new weapon as well - the gunship helicopter. Helicopters had up until then had been used as a light transport or scout, but rarely in direct combat. The Kaitjanese built larger and sturdier models and mounted rockets and missiles on them and used them in large numbers during the Second Juchoan War (2977-81). Eventually, after four years of vicious fighting, the war ended in the favour of the Kaitjanese. The Third Juchoan War (2987-2990) came to result in the subjugation of Apisteftia and the formation of the grander People's Republic. Modern Period 2993 - Armoured Warfare and Rockets - Placeholder - Tactics During the Juchoan Wars the core mentality of the PRAK was that of unrelenting offence. The most prominent proponent of this approach was the military theoretician Barzúr Kazoec (2899-2976), a veteran of both the Civil War and the following years of insurgency in southern Kaitjan. He was highly respected within both the PRAK and the Party, and in much it is his ideas and work that the PRAK based its doctrine and tactics off during the middle to late 30th century. Unrelenting assault, even in the face of an overwhelming opponent, became the signature of the Kaitjanese military. It proved to be highly successful. The PRAK fought with the skilled use of numbers and mobility. The Kaitjanese were able to field vast armies which often outnumbered their opponents. Thanks to good basic military training even a recently formed unit was able to decently operate on the battlefield. This was also an important factor in success. Very little could stop a full on PRAK assault when it was conducted by fairly competent commanders. The Kaitjanese preferred to advance along a large front, using their numbers and tank divisions to deliver powerful blows from several directions at once. Unrelenting assaults were able to wear down the enemy and force them to commit their reinforcements to the front lines. Kaitjanese tank columns, supported by motorifle infantry, went into close combat to overrun the enemy with their numbers. As soon as an enemy line collapsed cavalry tank formations would be sent into the breach and ordered to advance as far as possible. The generals were fully aware that a division that pushed deep into enemy territory could be cut off and surrounded, but that was not considered too much of a problem. Even if cut off the Kaitjanese men and officers were expected to resist, with sheer tenacity if nothing else. The enemy would need to either commit forces to besiege and destroy the formation or ignore it, and both options would allow the Kaitjanese to exploit the situation. A weakened frontline would be easier to punch through and reach the cut off unit, and if the enemy decided to send its forces to the front they would be vulnerable to harassment from the back. Through large numbers, a willingness to make risks and sacrifices and fostering an offensive spirit and attitude in both officers and soldiers the PRAK became the most powerful fighting force in Apisteftia. It was not invincible and suffered a number of painful defeats, but the Kaitjanese were also able to learn from their mistakes. And in the end, after three wars and massive losses, the PRAK successfully crushed its enemies and led Kaitjan to complete domination of Apisteftia. Ground Forces - Sons of the Tiger - Placeholder - - Strength - Equipment - WMD Arsenal Dezjungar The Dezjungar (Kaitjanese for "jungleman") is an independent branch of the PRAK Ground Forces. It consists out of specialized light infantry, trained and equipped for jungle warfare. Today the branch is 260,000 actual fighters strong and notable for being almost exclusively made up out of soldiers and officers serving under contract. It has the reputation of being an elite force - not a very glamorous one to be sure, but one that everyone respects. Training and service is harsh even in peacetime, but this is weighed up by the good pay and the status of being part of a distinguished branch of the PRAK. The Dezjungar traces its history back to 2934. The Civil War had ended four years prior, but despite the establishment of the People's Republic Kaitjan was still going through turmoil. Not everyone were happy with the rise of the OCPK and a communist government, and this resulted in several rebel groups being established in the south of the country. The following period became known as the Southern Insurgency, and would last from 2930 to 2941. There was no unitary rebel force resisting the new government, but instead a congregation of several smaller formations and groups. Among them were traditional Mzairists and Heliandists who were enraged by the banning of religion, veterans from the Civil War and even some tribal societies unhappy with the new draconic laws regulating their existence. These rebels took to the vast jungles of south and central Kaitjan from where they waged guerrilla warfare on the government. Flushing them out became hard indeed for the PRAK, and the conflict came to drag on for several years. Unable to break the rebels with the brute force of regular troops made the Kaitjanese commanders to look for other ways of fighting. Soon they started recruiting local tribesmen, jungle dwellers, rangers and outlaws with the purpose of using them to combat the rebels. Soon special units were organized with the purpose of locating pockets of resistance and helping regular forces to get to them, and in the end they were tasked with doing it themselves. In 2941 the last pockets of resistance were crushed, much due to work done by the special units. Realizing the potential of having dedicated jungle fighters at their disposal, the PRAK and the government decided to create a special branch of the military for that purpose. In 2943 the first Dezjungar divisions were created, primarily consisting of the volunteers and those that had served fighting against the rebel insurgency. A significant proportion of the new units consisted of tribesmen that inhabited the south of Kaitjan and which had traditionally distanced themselves from the Kaitjanese central power. Many of them lived in simple conditions and followed an old and often times brutal way of life. The PRAK was mostly interested in their ability and skill as wilderness survivors, trackers and fighters and paid them well for their services. But as a result a lot of old tribal traditions became an integral part of Dezjungar culture. Their reputation was forged during the First Juchoan War, fighting against Keshi and Agredei troops in southern Apisteftia in the brutal conditions of jungle warfare. The Dezjungar were already known for being headstrong and "undisciplined", but the war brutalized them further and created an even more violent tradition within their ranks. Agredei and Keshi soon learned to fear and hate them more than anything else. The acts of mutilating and dismembering POW's by the Dezjungar became a common occurrence, and further contributed to the brutality of the war. There were even several reports of cannibalism and human sacrifices, but these were generally ignored by the PRAK. As long as officers were able to control the troops the high command was happy and ready to allow abuse, even if it made the practice of regular army formations pale in comparison. There were a few cases of members of the Dezjungar being court-marshalled for disobeying of orders, but not much more than that. Today the Dezjungar have left most of their more unsavoury practices behind and the vast majority of the men consists of ordinary contract soldiers and not tribesmen and outlaws. Soldiers are rigorously trained in jungle warfare, survival, infiltration and shock tactics. Jeeps, small helicopters and specialized jungle vehicles are used, but the focus is on combat and transport on foot. Disregarding heavy weaponry and carrying little more than personal firearms, light machine guns and explosives have made the Dezjungar highly mobile in the context of jungle terrain. Special Purpose Units During the Juchoan Wars both Agredei and Kaitjan became known for their extensive use of so called "special purpose units" on the battlefield. All nations involved in the conflict had their own special forces, but the Kaitjanese and Agredei detachments became infamous for their skill and ruthlessness. Raids deep behind enemy lines, daring diversion and sabotage operations as well as assassinations of high value military officers earned them both hate and respect. Between the wars these kinds of units were closely involved with clandestine activities together with security services to infiltrate the opposite side of the border for various reasons. After the Juchoan Wars the knowledge and skill accumulated by the enemies were assimilated by Kaitjanese special forces, and some former officers even got new employment within Kaitjanese formations. Due to the highly secretive nature of Kaitjanese special purpose units - also known as the SPU - there is little known about them. - placeholder - Air Forces - Red Ravens - Placeholder - - A brief history - Strength - Equipment Naval Forces - Sea Serpents -Placeholder- - A brief history - Strength - Ships Edited by Kaitjan, Apr 7 2016, 04:07 PM.
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| Kaitjan | Aug 5 2014, 11:21 PM Post #10 |
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Culture and People 1/2 Culture and People Apisteftia is vast, and has since ancient times been populated by several ethnic and cultural groups. Some areas are largely homogenous while some have throughout the centuries been strictly multicultural or melting pots. One can, however, narrow down the number to five main ethnic groups. They are the Kaitjanese, the Agredei, the Keshi, the Korichani and the Abramozi. This section of the factbook will largely focus on the Kaitjanese, but some might be said about the others as well. One People or Many - Monoculture in a multicultural nation In 2993 the states of Agredei, Kesh, Korichan and Abramoz officially ceased to exist and were incorporated into the People’s Republic of Kaitjan as a part of the Glorious Agreement. Kaitjan has always been a very homogenous nation, with the ethnic Kaitjanese making up almost 99% of the population. There has never been any question about who or what could be considered Kaitjanese and who was a dirty foreigner. Nationalism has flourished on all levels of society since the 28th century and is deeply entrenched within the Kaitjanese psyche, often manifesting in outright xenophobia. The primary “enemies” of the Kaitjanese have always been the Agredei and the Keshi, who on their part harboured similar hateful feelings towards the Kaitjanese for centuries. The Kaitjanese state has been happy to capitalize on these sentiments, fueling them with aggressive propaganda and using it as a tool to strengthen its own power. But in 2993 the Kaitjanese suddenly made up barely a fourth of the total population, and it became very clear that the anti-foreign rhetoric would not work any longer. One of the primary priorities of the modern OCPK and Kaitjanese government is to create, nurture and strengthen a sense of national unity in the People’s Republic. Numerous policies to “foster brotherhood among brothers” have been adopted over the past 22 years. Methods and results have varied. At the centre of the effort is the spread and promotion of Kaitjanese culture. Most Apisteftian cultures and ethnicities have a lot in common, and so the spread of the Kaitjanese flavour seems logical. The Kaitjanese language is the only official language, and it is taught in schools and used in all public places and settings. Kaitjanese traditions, values and holidays are promoted across the nation and especially to children. In some cases the authorities encourage the migration of Kaitjanese families to various region of the country to “increase loyalty” of said area. Another way to combat the inter-ethnic conflicts that flared up as soon as the Glorious Agreement was signed is the creation of the “Myth of Innocence” by state propaganda. According to this “myth” (which is now the official interpretation of Apisteftian history) that none of the subjugated nationalities are evil, but rather the victims of false and terrible leaders who resisted the unification of Apisteftia under Kaitjanese and communist rule. The ultimate goal is to turn all citizens of Kaitjan into proper Kaitjanese, but that is a project that will take decades, if not centuries. The current State General Arzay Nikromov, who is the main ideologue behind these policies, is however set on continuing them. But the situation remains far from solved. Centuries worth of hatred, rivalry and racism are hard to kill, and from time to time violence, harassment and even clashes between groups are are reported. This incidents are harshly condemned by the state and security forces are quick to restore order and punish the disturbers of the national comradeship and brotherhood. The situation is the most tense between the eastern districts - Agredei and Kesh - and heartland Kaitjan, mainly because of their long history of animosity and war. It remains to see what happens in the coming decades. The Kaitjanese People - The Blood of the Tiger The Kaitjanese are the largest ethnic group, constituting approximately 27% of the population. The 3010 State Census states that there is a total of 78,212,160 Kaitjanese living in the People’s Republic. they are at the same time the most consolidated and spread out people in Apisteftia. The absolute majority lives in the central districts - the Kaitjanese Heartlands - where they make up 98-99% of the population. At the same time there are many Kaitjanese living in other parts of the People’s Republic. There is a large internal diaspora in both Abramoz and Korichan, and in the last two decades there has been an increase in Kesh and Agredei as well. Mentality and Cultural Values A person not familiar with the Kaitjanese will probably find them very unpleasant. As a people they are generally distrustful of outsiders, and openness is generally frowned upon. Historically the Kaitjanese have been organized into large families and clans, and later the role of a protective and unifying force was filled by state nationalism. A foreign is likely to be treated with suspicion, maybe even with outright rudeness when meeting a Kaitjanese for the first time. But, if you can endure the initial coldness you can soon find that there are more aspects to them. As soon as you have cracked the outer shell it is likely that your new acquaintance will invite you to dinner. Not offering an invitation is considered offensive. Even if the household in question is poor they will make sure to scrounge up all the drink, food and good behaviour needed to make the guest feel at home. When surrounded by friends and family the Kaitjanese are quite open and happy, and much more pleasant than they are in official dealings. Kaitjanese mentality and culture values loyalty - loyalty towards the family, and in extension - the nation. While Kaitjanese are not very open, even with each other, there is a fierce sense of unity. If an accident or fight takes place you can expect the entire neighbourhood turning up to see what is happening and help out the best they can. This connection between people is especially strong in villages and smaller population centres, where old customs and traditions are stronger than in the cities. It is unlikely that strangers will converse out on the street or on the bus unless they absolutely have to, but the solidarity between them remains strong under the surface. There are, however, some more questionable qualities to the Kaitjanese mentality. One of them is pride, which is often synonymous with nationalism and borders on outright xenophobia. The own people and nation is considered very important. It is acceptable if a Kaitjanese puts forth critique against Kaitjan, but if an outsider does it many people will feel very offended. The collective mindset is strong and individualism is not encouraged. Since ancient times Kaitjanese families and the clans they were a part of valued the collective much more than the individual as a way to survive, and this mentality is just as strong today, but with the nation filling the role of the important collective. When abroad, or simply just away from their own people and culture, Kaitjanese tend to be very polite and humble out of a feeling of vulnerability. Traditionally violence and war have been integral parts of Kaitjanese society. In ancient times every man was expected to take up arms when the their lord or chieftain called to go to war or a raid. To an extent this is true even today. Kaitjan is very militaristic nature, and propaganda makes sure to keep the virtues of serving your country and using violence in its defence alive and burning. It would be wrong to say that the Kaitjanese people is especially prone to violence, but neither are they a group that refrains from conflicts. Some dissidents have expressed confusion over another, strangely non-rebellious side of the Kaitjanese psyche. To quote Akazic Imré, a persona non grata extraordinarie in the People’s Republic, has said this: “The Kaitjanese are happy in their condition. Never have they been free or wanted to be free, preferring the whip and the sword to rule over them. Not even the much glorified Age of Chieftains was an age of freedom. For centuries the Kaitjanese have been ruled and oppressed by someone; the chieftain, the warlord, dictators or the very state. Their amazing ability to always find a new and even more violent madman to put on the throne never ceases to impress. And what is even stranger - they do not seem to want to change. Their revolutions and rebellions have never been for freedom, but only to replace a weak ruler with a stronger.” Imré is a vivid critic of the communist regime, and is in his home country widely considered to be a “Kaitjanophobe”. He does, however, bring attention to the an interesting aspect of Kaitjanese mentality - submission and trust in authority. Kaitjan has always been ruled by authoritarian leaders, some stronger and more violent than others. The family patriarch, the clan chieftain, later the king and today the Kaitjanese state, all have filled the role of a fatherly figure that always knows what is best. The glorified idea of a strong, harsh but ultimately just leader is very strong in mentality and culture. This might be a result of centuries of dictatorships and oppression, but it remains a fact - the KAitjanese generally respect strong, dominant and wilful people, especially those that have a traditionally important role in society. In politics it is the strongmen that rule, and in families the role of the ruler is taken by the older generation - almost always the aged patriarch - who the family must listen to, respect and obey. The Kaitjanese Family The importance of the family unit has lessened in the past decades. This is the result of the radical changes brought upon society during the rule of the OCPK and its many social engineering policies and projects. Family, does, however remain a very important aspect of Kaitjanese society and culture. For centuries Kaitjan was dominated by tribes and clans, and these structures remained in place even when the country had become a unified kingdom. A clan was essentially a very large family with hundreds, often thousands of families in. The largest historical clans ruled over large territories and controlled hundreds of thousands of people, and it is logical to assume that only a fraction of them were related to each other by blood. They were, however, bound together. Some were by blood ties, others after they had sworn fealty to the clan while others still were serfs who did not have much of a choice in the matter. On top of the hierarchy was the chieftain. He and his immediate family was the richest and most respected of all clan families. Retainers and bannermen and others that owed him loyalty were closely tied to him and considered family, if not by blood but by loyalty and adoption. The chieftain was the leader of the clan family - the father who was father to the fathers of the individual families. Free commoners had their own extensive networks of interconnected families, but they were all subject to the chieftain. Serfs - and in ancient Kaitjan a significant part of the population consisted out of serfs - were also considered part of the clan and not really looked down upon per say, although they had little to say in their own lives. The chieftain’s role was that of the father - to protect but also reprimand members of his family. All those that were a part of his clan were his sons and daughters, and their duty was to obey him and work for the good of the family. In an age where the world outside the clan was set to take your belongings, kill you or steal you away, a stable family which took care of its own was highly important. The clan system was weakened and eventually eradicated by Poltoyad the Great and his descendants, but a more conventional form of feudalism prevailed in Kaitjan well into the 2920s. Serfdom remained as well, but it was somewhat reformed during the Topor dynasty and was finally banned by the OCPK during the Civil War. The concept of many families forming one larger, headed by an authoritative elder, however, prevailed. It still plays a role in modern Kaitjanese society. To this day many Kaitjanese have large families. People tend to marry young, with the average age being 25 for men and 23 for women. Being unmarried at thirty is uncommon, especially for women. The average number per family is 3,5. The state awards families with many children with better housing and various social grants. This practice stems from the First Juchoan War, which left a painful dent in the workforce that had to be filled somehow. Families are large, with many siblings, children, uncles, aunts and in-laws, most of the time living closely together - sometimes even under the same roof - and having close ties to each other. The head of this congregation of families is a man, usually a respectable elder patriarch. The role can also be filled by someone younger that commands respect, for example by being someone important in society or the government. Important jobs or positions within the government or army grants a person an aura of importance and authority. The family patriarch - the “Elder Father” - commands respect from all his related families and has an important say in most internal dealings. Kaitjan is often described as a patriarchy, and this is more or less true. Men have always been the stronger sex; the breadwinners and protectors of their families. The role of women has been to rear children and take care of the home while the men did heavy labour, hunting, fighting and most of the violent dying. Things changed under communist rule. Women were given the same legal rights as men and were allowed to work wherever they pleased and be as free as their male counterparts. But traditions die hard, and even though many woman entered the workforce most remained as housewives, leaving it to the men what they always had - toiling away in the factories and fields and getting sent to fight wars. The First Juchoan War was extremely bloody and took a huge toll on the young male population. With so many men away at the front (or dead) it was up to the women to fill their places in the industry. It a twist of fate it was the mass death of men that strengthened the position of Kaitjanese women. In modern times all women are granted the right to higher education and work, and many pursue both. But Kaitjan is by no way feminist, and no discernable feminist movement exists in the nation. Society is still very much dominated by traditional values. A man is not a man if he doe not provide for his family and embodies traditional male qualities. A woman that values her career more than her family is sure to get quite a few strange looks from both her relatives and society at large. Women are exempt from military conscription, but can perform voluntary service in rearguard and support detachments. Recently the PRAK has opened for idea of recruiting female pilots, but it remains to see if the high command decides to continue this practice. Historically marriage has been treated as an issue of economics and inter-family diplomacy. Suitable matches were made by elders and other people of authority, who made sure to take into account the social status of the groom and bride to be, their potential for siring good children and the benefits a union would bring to the involved families. Today the government does not care who marries whom (as long as the unions are hetrosexual), but likes handing out medals to those people that produce a large number of new workers. Interestingly enough it was not uncommon for marriages in the past to be based on love, but the opinion of the families still remained an important factor. A marriage brought a set of obligations and conditions, and if those were not fulfilled the union could be annulled by the involved families. The husband had to be able to take care and provide for his wife and children, protect them from harm and make sure that they did not lack essentials. Failure to do so could bring shame to him and the ire of both his and the wife’s family. The woman was obliged to respect her husband, take good care of their children and the household. Would she fail to do so her reputation would suffer in the eyes of society and the involved families. Things are not as strict today as they were before, but aspects of these ancient traditions still run strong, and failure to live up to expectations is a source of social stigma. Polygamy in Kaitjan is legal. In ancient times kings and chieftains could have up to nine wives and a nearly unlimited number of concubines, the only limit being his ability to decently provide for them. For commoners the limit was three wives, but such marriages were fairly rare, as large households with three women and their children requires considerable funds. The vast majority of marriages - both historical and modern - are monogamous. In modern Kaitjan there are few examples of polygamous marriages, mostly due to practical reasons. Among them who has several spouses is the State General Arzay Nikromov, who married his first wife in 2991, his second in 3001 and third in 3013. They have as of 3015 sired three daughters and two sons. Traditional Dress Spoiler: click to toggle Traditional Arts and Crafts Spoiler: click to toggle Music Spoiler: click to toggle Kaitjanese Theatre Spoiler: click to toggle Literature Spoiler: click to toggle National Cuisine Spoiler: click to toggle Edited by Kaitjan, Mar 7 2016, 03:25 PM.
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8:16 PM Jul 11