| Famous Sardinians; This is a list of famous people born in the island of Sardinia | |
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| Tweet Topic Started: Jan 29 2013, 07:01 PM (15,175 Views) | |
| Pinkulilly | Oct 8 2013, 04:00 PM Post #31 |
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Caterina Murino![]() Caterina Murino (born 15 September 1977) is an actress from Sardinia. She was born in Cagliari, and initially wanted to be a doctor. She came fourth in the 1996 Miss Italy contest. Having moved to London, she fell in love with theatre and acting, saving up weekly to watch something in the West End theatre. Returning to Italy, she studied drama at the Scuola di Cinema e Teatro run by Francesca De Sapio, between 1999 and 2000. She then appeared in stage productions of Richard III and Italian language plays. She began her career in television in 2002, and then gained international fame after playing Solange Dimitrios in the 2006 adaptation of the James Bond novel Casino Royale. Ms. Murino played "Solange Dimitrios" in the 2006 James Bond film, Casino Royale. Solange meets Bond but is later found dead, killed by Le Chiffre for unintentionally revealing one of his plans to Bond. In early 2011, she co-starred with Rufus Sewell in the BBC One TV series Zen. Zen has since been cancelled, although it is airing in the US on Masterpiece Mystery Theater. In 2011 she also appears in Bob Sinclar's music video clip "Far l'Amore" . In 2013, she stars as Peneloppe, Ulysses' wife for a TV production Odysseus. |
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| caesium | Oct 11 2013, 03:36 AM Post #32 |
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Enrico Berlinguer![]() Enrico Berlinguer (Italian pronunciation: [enˈriko berliŋˈɡwɛr]) (25 May 1922 – 11 June 1984) was an Italian politician; he was national secretary of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano or PCI) from 1972 until his death. Early career The son of Mario Berlinguer and Maria Loriga, Enrico Berlinguer was born in Sassari to a noble Sardinian family, in a notable cultural context, with family ties and political contacts that would heavily influence his life and career. His surname is of Catalan origin, a reminder of the period when Sardinia was part of the dominions of the Crown of Aragon. He was a cousin of Francesco Cossiga (who was a leader of the Italian Christian Democrats and later became a President of the Italian Republic), and both were relatives of Antonio Segni, another Christian Democrat leader and President of the Republic. Enrico's grandfather, Enrico Berlinguer Sr., was the founder of the Sardinian newspaper La Nuova Sardegna, and a personal friend of Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppe Mazzini, whom he had helped in his attempts through his parliamentary work to improve the sad conditions on the island. In 1937 Berlinguer had his first contacts with Sardinian anti-Fascists, and in 1943 formally entered the Italian Communist Party, soon becoming the secretary of the Sassari section. The following year a riot exploded in the town; he was involved in the disorders and was arrested, but was discharged after three months of prison. Immediately after his detention ended, his father brought him to Salerno, the town in which the Royal family and the government had taken refuge after the armistice between Italy and the Allies. In Salerno his father introduced him to Palmiro Togliatti, the most important leader of the Communist Party. Togliatti sent Berlinguer back to Sardinia to prepare for his political career. At the end of 1944, Togliatti appointed him to the national secretariat of the Communist Organisation for Youth (FGCI); as a secretary of the FGCI, Berlinguer at one point presented Maria Goretti as an example for activists; he was soon sent to Milan, and in 1945 he was appointed to the Central Committee as a member. In 1946 Togliatti became the national secretary (the highest political role) of the Party, and called Berlinguer to Rome, where his talents let him enter the national leadership only two years after (at the age of 26, one of the youngest members ever admitted); in 1949 he was named national secretary of the FGCI, a post he held until 1956. The year after he was named president of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, an international Communist front organisation. In 1957 Berlinguer, as a member of the central school of the PCI, abolished the obligatory visit to the Soviet Union, which included political training, that was until then necessary for admission to the highest positions in the PCI. Party leader Berlinguer's career was obviously carrying him towards the highest positions in the party. After having held many responsible posts, in 1968 he was elected a deputy for the first time for the electoral district of Rome. The following year he was elected deputy national secretary of the party (the secretary being Luigi Longo). In this role he took part in the 1969 international conference of the Communist parties in Moscow, where his delegation disagreed with the "official" political line, and refused to support the final report. Berlinguer's unexpected stance made waves: he gave the strongest speech by a major Communist leader ever heard in Moscow. He refused to "excommunicate" the Chinese communists, and directly told Leonid Brezhnev that the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Warsaw Pact countries (which he termed the "tragedy in Prague") had made clear the considerable differences within the Communist movement on fundamental questions such as national sovereignty, socialist democracy, and the freedom of culture. Secretary of the PCI Already a prominent leader in the party, Berlinguer was elected to the position of national secretary in 1972 when Luigi Longo resigned on grounds of ill health. In 1973, having been hospitalized after a car accident during a visit to Bulgaria (now widely considered an attempt on his life on orders from Moscow), Berlinguer wrote three famous articles ("Reflections on Italy", "After the facts of Chile" and "After the Coup [in Chile]") for the intellectual weekly magazine of the party, Rinascita. In these he presented the strategy of the so-called Historic Compromise, a proposed coalition between the Italian Communist Party and the Christian Democrats to grant Italy a period of political stability, at a time of severe economic crisis and in a context in which some forces were allegedly manoeuvering for a coup d'état in Italy. International relations The following year in Belgrade Berlinguer met with Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito, towards the ends of further developing his relationships with the major Communist parties of Europe, Asia and Africa. In 1976, in Moscow again, Berlinguer confirmed the autonomous position of the PCI vis-à-vis the Soviet Communist Party. Before 5,000 Communist delegates he spoke of a "pluralistic system" (translated by the interpreter as "multiform"), referring to the PCI's intentions to build "a socialism that we believe necessary and possible only in Italy." When Berlinguer finally got to the PCI's condemnation of any kind of "interference", the rupture with the Soviets was complete (nonetheless, the party still for some years received money from Moscow). Since Italy was suffering the "interference" of NATO, the Soviets said, it seemed that the only interference that the Italian Communists could not suffer was the Soviet one. In an interview with Corriere della Sera Berlinguer declared that he felt "safer under NATO's umbrella." In 1977, at a meeting in Madrid between Berlinguer, Santiago Carrillo of the Spanish Communist Party and Georges Marchais of the French Communist Party, the fundamental lines of Eurocommunism were laid out. A few months later Berlinguer was again in Moscow, where he gave another speech which was poorly received by his hosts, and published by Pravda only in a censored version. Domestic politics Berlinguer, moving step by step, was building a consensus in the PCI towards a rapprochement with other components of society. After the surprising opening of 1970 toward conservatives, and the still discussed proposal of the Historic Compromise, he published a correspondence with Monsignor Luigi Bettazzi, the Bishop of Ivrea; it was an astonishing event, since Pope Pius XII had excommunicated the Communists soon after World War II, and the possibility of any relationship between communists and Catholics seemed very unlikely. This act also served to counteract the allegation, commonly and popularly expressed, that the PCI was protecting leftist terrorists, in the harshest years of terrorism in Italy. In this context the PCI opened its doors to many Catholics, and a debate started about the possibility of contact. Notably, Berlinguer's strictly Catholic family was not brought out of its strictly respected privacy. In the general election of June 1976, the PCI gained 34.4% of the vote. In Italy a so-called "government of national solidarity" was ruling, but Berlinguer claimed that in an emergency government, a strong and powerful cabinet to solve a crisis of exceptional gravity was needed. On 16 March 1978, Aldo Moro, President of the Christian Democratic Party, was kidnapped by the Red Brigades, an ultra-left terrorist group, on the day that the new government was going to be sworn in before parliament. During this crisis, Berlinguer adhered to the so-called "Front of Firmness," refusing to negotiate with terrorists. (The Red Brigades had proposed to liberate Moro in exchange for the release of some imprisoned terrorists.) Despite the PCI's firm stand against terrorism, the Moro incident left the party more isolated. In June the PCI gave its approval, and ultimately active support, to a campaign against President Giovanni Leone, accused of being involved in the Lockheed bribery scandal. This resulted in the President's resignation. Berlinguer also supported the election of the veteran Socialist Sandro Pertini as President of Italy, but his presidency did not produce the effects that the PCI had hoped for. In Italy, after a new president is elected, the government resigns. The PCI expected Pertini to use his influence in their favour. But the President was influenced by other political leaders like Giovanni Spadolini of the Italian Republican Party and Bettino Craxi of the Italian Socialist Party, and the PCI remained out of the government. During these years the PCI governed many Italian regions, sometimes more than half of them. Notably, the regional government of Emilia-Romagna and Tuscany was concrete proof of PCI's governmental capabilities. In this period, Berlinguer turned his attention to the exercise of local power, to show that "the trains could run on time" under the PCI. He personally took part in electoral campaigns in the provinces and local councils. While other parties sent only local leaders, this helped the party to win many elections at these levels. The break with the Soviet Union In 1980 the PCI publicly condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan; Moscow then immediately sent Marchais to Rome, to try to bring Berlinguer into line, but Marchais was received with a notable coldness. The break with the Soviets and other Communist parties became clear when the PCI did not participate in the 1980 international conference of Communist parties held in Paris. Instead Berlinguer made an official visit to China. In November in Salerno, Berlinguer declared that the idea of a possible Historic Compromise had been put aside; it would be replaced with the idea of the "democratic alternative." In 1981 Berlinguer said that, in his personal opinion, "the progressive force of the October Revolution had been exhausted." The PCI criticised the "normalisation" of Poland and very soon the PCI's split with the Soviet Communist Party became definitive and official, followed by a long polemic between Pravda and L'Unità (the official newspaper of PCI), not made any milder after the meeting with Fidel Castro in Havana. On an internal side, Berlinguer's last major statement was a call for the solidarity among the leftist parties. In June 1984 Berlinguer suddenly left the stage during a speech at public meeting in Padua: he had suffered a brain haemorrhage, and died three days later. More than a million citizens attended his funeral, one of the biggest in Italy's history. He was an atheist. *** Analysis Berlinguer has been defined in many ways, but he was generally recognised for political coherence and a certain courage, together with a rare personal and political intelligence. A serious man, he was sincerely respected even by his opponents, and his three days' agony was followed with great attention by the general population. His funeral was followed by a large number of people, perhaps among the highest ever seen in Rome. The most important political act of his career in the PCI was undoubtedly the dramatic break with Soviet Communism, the so-called strappo, together with the creation of Eurocommunism, and his substantial work towards contact with the moderate (and particularly the catholic) half of the country. Berlinguer nevertheless had many enemies. An internal opposition in the PCI claimed that he had turned a workers' party into a sort of bourgeois revisionist club. External opposition figures noted that strappo took several years to be completed; this was seen as evidence that there had been no definitive decision on the point. The acceptance of NATO is however generally seen as evidence of the genuine autonomy of the PCI's position. All the work of Berlinguer, however, even if supported by a notably successful Communist local governments, was unable to bring the PCI into the government. Berlinguer's final platform, the "democratic alternative," was never translated into reality. Within a decade of his death the Soviet Union, the Christian Democrats and the PCI all disappeared, transforming Italian politics beyond recognition. *** Impact on Italian society Italian singer-songwriter Antonello Venditti posthumously dedicated a song, "Dolce Enrico" ("Sweet Enrico"), to Berlinguer. Italian actor and director Roberto Benigni declared publicly his admiration and personal love for Enrico Berlinguer. Beside having been protagonist of the movie Berlinguer ti voglio bene ("Berlinguer I love you"), Benigni appeared during a public political demonstration of the Italian Communist Party (of which he was a sympathiser), taking in his arms and dandling Berlinguer. Italian folk music band Modena City Ramblers wrote a song about Berlinguer's funeral, "I funerali di Berlinguer", published on their first full-length album, Riportando tutto a casa. The funeral of Berlinguer attended by 2 millions people |
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| caesium | Oct 11 2013, 03:49 AM Post #33 |
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Attilio Deffenu![]() Attilio Deffenu (Nuoro, December 28th 1890 – Fossalta di Piave, june 16th 1918) was an intellectual, journalist, soldier, exponent of Sardinian autonomism and a syndicalist. He was born in Nuoro, Sardinia in 1890, from Giuseppe, a merchant and president of the Società Operaia di Nuoro and Giovanna Sechi, a socialist sympathizer. In 1908 he enrolled in law at the University of Pisa, where he supported anarchist ideologies and sided against the italian military intervention in Lybia. He became correspondent for the Giornale d'Italia, engaging actively in political life: joining the revolutionary unionism and, in 1913, fighting against the protectionism customs which favoured factories in north Italy and penalized the economy of southern Italy and the Islands. He died heroically on the Piave, June 16, 1918, under the command of his platoon of the infantry Sassari Brigade, and was decorated with a gold medal. |
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| caesium | Oct 11 2013, 03:59 AM Post #34 |
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Francesco Cocco-Ortu Francesco Cocco-Ortu (Cagliari, October 1842 – Rome, March 1929) was an Italian politician, deputy of the Kingdom of Italy. Biography Cocco-Ortu was born in Sardinia, he was a minister of Trade, Industry and Agriculture of the Kingdom of Italy under the governments ruled by Antonio Starabba and Giovanni Giolitti, and later he was elected Minister of Justice during the Giuseppe Zanardelli's government. He was also Mayor of Cagliari. He founded the Corpo degli Ispettori del Lavoro (Corporation of Labour Inspectors) of in 1906, an authority instituted to counter labour exploitation, in particular child labour. He was one of the few liberals who voted against the Mussolini's government, he resigned his office as President of the Liberal Party after the Mussolini's election. |
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| Angioy | Oct 11 2013, 04:04 PM Post #35 |
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Erminio Costa![]() Erminio Costa (1924, Cagliari, Italy - 2009, Washington, D.C., USA) was a neuroscientist. His research interests covered brain serotonergic activity in health and disease, benzodiazepine-GABA interactions, benzodiazepine action at GABAA receptors, and GABAergic dysfunction and changes in the expression of reelin and GAD67 in schizophrenia. He published more than 1000 articles. Career July, 1947 - M.D. 110/110 cum laude, University of Cagliari, Italy 1950-1960 - Thudichum Psychiatric Research Laboratory, Galesburg Research Hospital, Galesburg, Illinois 1960-1965 - Deputy Chief, Laboratory of Chemical Pharmacology at NHLI - NIH, Bethesda, Maryland 1965-1968 - Associate Professor of Pharmacology and Neurology, College of Physicians and Surgeons of Columbia University, New York, NY 1968-1985 - Chief of the Laboratory of Preclinical Pharmacology, NIMH, St. Elizabeths Hospital, Washington, DC 1985-1994 - Director and Founder, Institute of Neuroscience, and Professor of Pharmacology, Georgetown University, Washington, DC 1994-1995 - Director, Center for Neuropharmacology, Nathan Kline Institute for Psychiatric Research, New York University, New York, NY 1995 - Scientific Director, Psychiatric Institute, Professor of Biochemistry in Psychiatry, Department of Psychiatry, College of Medicine, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois 1982 - Member, National Academy of Sciences 1991 - Member of "Accademia dei Lincei" founded by Galileo Galilei in 1602, Rome Books Advances in Biochemical Psychopharmacology (1969) Biochemistry and Pharmacology of the Basal Ganglia (1966) Biochemistry of Simple Neuronal Models (1970) Neurosteroids and Brain Function (1991) The Endorphins - Vol. 18 (1985) |
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| Angioy | Oct 11 2013, 04:11 PM Post #36 |
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I can't imagine to see 2 millions people attending a politician's funeral today
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| Raingirl | Oct 11 2013, 04:28 PM Post #37 |
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Giovanni del Giglio Giovanni del Giglio (late fifteenth century – 1557) was a mannerist painter known as the Maestro di Ozieri. He was born and died in Sassari. Biography The first mention of Giovanni del Giglio might be from 1512, when the monk "Johannes de Liliis" arrived in Sassari to restore the hospital of Santa Croce. On August 7, 1522, del Giglio witnessed the will of Giovanni Fontana, father of the jurist Alessio Fontana, who ordered that his property be used for the altarpiece of the Cathedral of Sassari. Del Giglio was the attorney of Archbishop Salvatore Alepus, who commissioned del Giglio's Ploaghe altarpiece. From 1532 to 1543, Giglio was part of the Sassari confraternity. Around 1543, he married Andreuccia Olives, the sister of the jurist Girolamo Olives, and the widow of the tailor Forteleoni de Ginesi. From Olive's previous marriage, he gained a stepdaughter, who was born in 1540. Del Giglio had no other children. This marriage allowed him to convince Girolamo Olives' confidant, the bishop of Alghero, Pedro Vaguer, to give him the commission for the altarpieces of Benetutti and Bortigali between 1549 and 1551. These may have been completed by other painters of his school, possibly Pietro Giovanni Calvano, from Siena. School Other painters of his school were Antonio Campus, Giovanni Debasteriga, and Leonardo de Serra. The Ozieri altarpiece is attributed to his school. Style Del Giglio's style, which had a large influence on painting in Sardinia until the arrival of Baccio Gorini, shows the influence of Raphael and Michelangelo as well as the early Tuscan style of Rosso Fiorentino and Pontormo. His use of color and techniques placed him among the leading Mannerists in Sardenia. |
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| Enigma | Oct 11 2013, 04:57 PM Post #38 |
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May be at berlusconi's funeral will attend 2 millions people too ... but with the purpose to throw rotten eggs on the coffin ! Edited by Enigma, Oct 11 2013, 05:01 PM.
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| Angioy | Oct 11 2013, 05:22 PM Post #39 |
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| Raingirl | Oct 12 2013, 07:03 PM Post #40 |
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